Big countries behave like Bismarck bandits. Otto Bismarck: brief biography, activities, quotes. Interesting facts about Otto von Bismarck

The “Iron Chancellor” was born on the family estate of Schönhausen on April 1, 1815, into a family of Prussian landowners. Representatives of this family served the rulers of the province of Brandenburg from the middle of the 17th century. The ancestors of the Bismarcks, the conquering knights, settled in these places during the reign of. At the insistence of his mother, Otto and his brother were sent to Berlin to receive an education. During 10 years of study, he changed 3 gymnasiums, but did not show any particular interest in knowledge. He was attracted only by the history of politics, both modern and past. After graduating from high school, Otto entered the university. Law became his specialty.

As a student, Bismarck did not distinguish himself with any talents. He led wild life, played cards and drank a lot. However, he completed his studies and received a position in the Berlin Municipal Court. For three years, Bismarck held the position of tax official in Aachen and Potsdam. There he joined the Jaeger Regiment. In 1838, Bismarck moved to Greifswald, where he continued to carry military service and at the same time study animal breeding. After the death of his mother, Otto von Bismarck returns to his Pomeranian estates and begins to lead the life of an ordinary landowner. His character in those years was so explosive and beyond any control that his neighbors considered him mad.

Having decided to get married, he was refused. The girl's mother did not want to give her daughter to such a groom. To calm down, he goes traveling. Having visited England and France, Bismarck became more reserved and made many friends. After the death of his father, he became the sole owner of the Pomeranian estates, during which time he married. Among his friends were the von Gerlach brothers, who had influence at court. Soon the “mad deputy” Bismarck began to play a prominent role in the Berlin Landtag. Since 1851, Otto von Bismarck has represented Prussia in the Federal Diet, which met in Frankfurt am Main. He continues to study diplomacy and successfully apply the acquired knowledge in practice.

In 1859, Bismarck was envoy to St. Petersburg. Three years later he is sent to France. Upon his return, he heads the Prussian government. He then becomes Minister-President and Minister of Foreign Affairs. The policy he pursued during these years was aimed at the unification of Germany and the rise of Prussia over all German lands. For the same purpose, he tried to provoke France into starting a war. The cunning politician managed to achieve his goal. On July 19, 1870, war with the North German Confederation was declared in Paris.

A month later, the fleeting battle was completed with the victory of Germany. Another 4 months later, on behalf of Emperor Wilhelm I, Otto von Bismarck became chancellor of the empire that he himself created. Until 1890, the “Iron Chancellor” ruled the country. During this time, peace was signed with France, very humiliating for Paris, a struggle was waged against the dominance of the Catholic Church, and persecution of socialists began. After the accession of Emperor Wilhelm II to the throne, Bismarck lost his influence and resigned, which was accepted on March 18, 1890. However, he did not retire completely. He continued to express his opinions about current politicians, and was a member of the Reichstag. Otto von Bismarck died in 1898 and was buried on his own estate. Inscription on gravestone said that a devoted servant of the German Kaiser Wilhelm I rested here.

Otto Eduard Leopold von Bismarck-Schönhausen (German: Otto Eduard Leopold von Bismarck-Schönhausen; 1815-1898) - German statesman, prince, first chancellor of the German Empire (second Reich), nicknamed the "Iron Chancellor".

Otto Von Bismarck was born on April 1, 1815 into a family of small nobles in Schönhausen, in the Brandenburg province (now Saxony-Anhalt). All generations of the Bismarck family served the rulers of Brandenburg in peaceful and military fields, but did not show themselves to be anything special. Simply put, the Bismarcks were junkers - descendants of conquering knights who founded settlements in the lands east of the Elbe. The Bismarcks could not boast of extensive landholdings, wealth or aristocratic luxury, but were considered noble.

From 1822 to 1827, Otto studied at the Plaman school, which emphasized physical development. But young Otto was not happy with this, which he often wrote to his parents about. At the age of twelve, Otto left Plaman's school, but did not leave Berlin, continuing his studies at the Frederick the Great Gymnasium on Friedrichstrasse, and when he was fifteen years old, he moved to the Gray Monastery Gymnasium. Otto showed himself to be average, not outstanding student. But he learned French well and German languages, keen on reading foreign literature. Main interests young man lay in the field of politics of past years, the history of military and peaceful rivalry various countries. At that time, the young man, unlike his mother, was far from religion.

After graduating from high school, Otto’s mother sent him to the Georg August University in Göttingen, which was located in the kingdom of Hanover. It was assumed that there young Bismarck would study law and, in the future, enter the diplomatic service. However, Bismarck was not in the mood for serious study and preferred to have fun with friends, of whom there were many in Gottingen. Otto often took part in duels, in one of which he was wounded for the first and only time in his life - the wound left him with a scar on his cheek. In general, Otto von Bismarck at that time was not much different from the “golden” German youth.

Bismarck did not complete his education in Göttingen - living on a grand scale turned out to be burdensome for his pocket, and, under threat of arrest by the university authorities, he left the city. Whole year He was enrolled at the New Metropolitan University of Berlin, where he defended his dissertation on philosophy and political economy. This was the end of his university education. Naturally, Bismarck immediately decided to start a career in the diplomatic field, which he relied on big hopes his mother. But the then Prussian Foreign Minister refused the young Bismarck, advising him to “look for a position in some administrative institution within Germany, and not in the sphere of European diplomacy.” It is possible that this decision of the minister was influenced by rumors about the stormy student life Otto and his passion for sorting things out through a duel.

As a result, Bismarck went to work in Aachen, which had recently become part of Prussia. In that resort town The influence of France was still felt and Bismarck was mainly concerned with the problems associated with the annexation of this border territory into the customs union, which was dominated by Prussia. But the work, according to Bismarck himself, “was not burdensome” and he had plenty of time to read and enjoy life. During the same period, he had many love affairs with visitors to the resort. Once he even almost married the daughter of an English parish priest, Isabella Lorraine-Smith.

Having fallen out of favor in Aachen, Bismarck was forced to enlist in military service - in the spring of 1838 he enlisted in the guards battalion of rangers. However, his mother's illness shortened his service life: long years worries about children and the estate undermined her health. The death of his mother put an end to Bismarck's wanderings in search of business - it became completely clear that he would have to manage his Pomeranian estates.

Having settled in Pomerania, Otto von Bismarck began to think about ways to increase the profitability of his estates and soon won the respect of his neighbors with both theoretical knowledge and practical success. Life on the estate greatly disciplined Bismarck, especially when compared with student years. He showed himself to be a shrewd and practical landowner. But still, his student habits made themselves felt, and soon the surrounding cadets nicknamed him “mad.”

Bismarck became very close to his younger sister Malvina, who finished her studies in Berlin. A spiritual closeness arose between brother and sister, caused by similarities in tastes and sympathies. Otto introduced Malvina to his friend Arnim, and a year later they got married.

Bismarck never again ceased to consider himself a believer in God and a follower of Martin Luther. He began every morning by reading passages from the Bible. Otto decided to become engaged to Maria Johanna von Puttkamer's friend, which he achieved without any problems.

Around this time, Bismarck had his first opportunity to enter politics as a member of the newly formed United Landtag of the Kingdom of Prussia. He decided not to lose this chance and on May 11, 1847, took his deputy seat, temporarily postponing own wedding. This was a time of intense confrontation between liberals and conservative pro-royal forces: liberals demanded a Constitution and greater civil liberties from Frederick William IV, but the king was in no hurry to grant them; he needed money for construction railway from Berlin to East Prussia. It was for this purpose that he convened the United Landtag, consisting of eight provincial landstags, in April 1847.

After his first speech in the Landtag, Bismarck acquired notoriety. In his speech, he tried to refute the liberal deputy’s assertion about the constitutional nature of the war of liberation of 1813. As a result, thanks to the press, the “mad” cadet from Kniphof turned into a “mad” deputy of the Berlin Landtag. A month later, Otto earned himself the nickname “Persecutor Finke” because of his constant attacks on the idol and mouthpiece of the liberals, Georg von Finke. Revolutionary sentiments were gradually maturing in the country; especially among the urban lower classes, dissatisfied with rising food prices. Under these conditions, Otto von Bismarck and Johanna von Puttkamer finally got married.

The year 1848 brought a whole wave of revolutions - in France, Italy, Austria. In Prussia, the revolution also broke out under pressure from patriotic liberals who demanded the unification of Germany and the creation of a Constitution. The king was forced to accept the demands. Bismarck was at first afraid of the revolution and was even going to help lead the army to Berlin, but soon his ardor cooled down, and only despondency and disappointment in the monarch, who made concessions, remained.

Due to his reputation as an incorrigible conservative, Bismarck had no chance of entering the new Prussian National Assembly, elected by universal suffrage of the male part of the population. Otto feared for the traditional rights of the Junkers, but soon calmed down and admitted that the revolution was less radical than it seemed. He had no choice but to return to his estates and write to the new conservative newspaper Kreuzzeitung. At this time, there was a gradual strengthening of the so-called “camarilla” - a bloc of conservative politicians, which included Otto von Bismarck.

The logical result of the strengthening of the camarilla was the counter-revolutionary coup of 1848, when the king interrupted the parliament session and sent troops into Berlin. Despite all of Bismarck’s merits in preparing this coup, the king refused him a ministerial post, branding him an “inveterate reactionary.” The king was in no mood to give the reactionaries a free hand: soon after the coup, he published a Constitution that combined the principle of monarchy with the creation of a bicameral parliament. The monarch also reserved the right of absolute veto and the right to rule through emergency decrees. This Constitution did not live up to the aspirations of the liberals, but Bismarck still seemed too progressive.

But he was forced to come to terms with it and decided to try to advance to the lower house of parliament. With great difficulty, Bismarck managed to pass both rounds of elections. He took his seat as a deputy on February 26, 1849. However, Bismarck's negative attitude towards the German unification and the Frankfurt Parliament greatly damaged his reputation. After the dissolution of parliament by the king, Bismarck practically lost his chances of being re-elected. But this time he was lucky, because the king changed electoral system, which saved Bismarck from the need to conduct an election campaign. On August 7, Otto von Bismarck again took his parliamentary seat.

A little time passed, and a serious conflict arose between Austria and Prussia, which could escalate into a full-scale war. Both states considered themselves leaders of the German world and tried to draw small German principalities into their orbit of influence. This time Erfurt became the stumbling block, and Prussia had to give in, concluding the “Olmütz Agreement”. Bismarck actively supported this agreement, as he believed that Prussia could not win this war. After some hesitation, the king appointed Bismarck as Prussia's representative to the Frankfurt Diet. Bismarck did not yet have the diplomatic qualities necessary for this post, but he had a natural mind and political insight. Soon Bismarck met the most famous political figure in Austria, Clement Metternich.

During Crimean War Bismarck opposed Austrian attempts to mobilize German armies for war with Russia. He became an ardent supporter of the German Confederation and an opponent of Austrian dominance. As a result, Bismarck became the main supporter of an alliance with Russia and France (who had recently been at war with each other), directed against Austria. First of all, it was necessary to establish contact with France, for which Bismarck left for Paris on April 4, 1857, where he met with Emperor Napoleon III, who did not make much of an impression on him. But due to the king’s illness and a sharp turn in Prussian foreign policy, Bismarck’s plans were not destined to come true, and he was sent as ambassador to Russia. In January 1861, King Frederick William IV died and was replaced by the former regent William I, after which Bismarck was transferred as ambassador to Paris.

But he did not stay in Paris for long. A fire broke out in Berlin at that time. another crisis between the king and parliament. And in order to resolve it, despite the resistance of the Empress and the Crown Prince, Wilhelm I appointed Bismarck as head of government, transferring to him the posts of Minister-President and Minister of Foreign Affairs. The long era of Bismarck as Chancellor began. Otto formed his cabinet of conservative ministers, among whom there were practically no bright personalities, except for Roon, who headed the military department. After the cabinet was approved, Bismarck made a speech in the lower house of the Landtag, where he said famous phrase about “blood and iron”. Bismarck was sure that the time had come good time for the rivalry between Prussia and Austria for German lands.

In 1863, conflict broke out between Prussia and Denmark over the status of Schleswig and Holstein, which were the southern part of Denmark but were dominated by ethnic Germans. The conflict had been smoldering for a long time, but in 1863 it escalated with new strength under pressure from nationalists on both sides. As a result, at the beginning of 1864, Prussian troops occupied Schleswig-Holstein and soon these duchies were divided between Prussia and Austria. However, this was not the end of the conflict; the crisis in relations between Austria and Prussia was constantly smoldering, but did not fade away.

In 1866, it became clear that war could not be avoided and both sides began to mobilize their military forces. Prussia was in a close alliance with Italy, which put pressure on Austria from the southwest and sought to occupy Venice. The Prussian armies quickly occupied most northern German lands and were ready for the main campaign against Austria. The Austrians suffered one defeat after another and were forced to accept a peace treaty imposed by Prussia. Hesse, Nassau, Hanover, Schleswig-Holstein and Frankfurt went to it.

The war with Austria greatly exhausted the chancellor and undermined his health. Bismarck took a vacation. But he didn't have to rest for long. From the beginning of 1867, Bismarck worked hard to create a Constitution for the North German Confederation. After some concessions to the Landtag, the Constitution was adopted and the North German Confederation was born. Two weeks later Bismarck became chancellor. This strengthening of Prussia greatly excited the rulers of France and Russia. And, if relations with Alexander II remained quite warm, the French were very negatively disposed towards the Germans. Passions were fueled by the Spanish succession crisis. One of the contenders for the Spanish throne was Leopold, who belonged to the Brandenburg Hohenzollern dynasty, and France could not allow him to the important Spanish throne. Patriotic sentiments began to rule in both countries. The war was not long in coming.

The war was devastating for the French, especially the crushing defeat at Sedan, which they remember to this day. Very soon the French were ready to capitulate. Bismarck demanded from France the provinces of Alsace and Lorraine, which was completely unacceptable both to Emperor Napoleon III and to the Republicans who founded the Third Republic. The Germans managed to take Paris, and French resistance gradually faded away. German troops marched triumphantly through the streets of Paris. During the Franco-Prussian War, patriotic sentiments intensified in all German states, which allowed Bismarck to further unite the North German Confederation by announcing the creation of the Second Reich, and Wilhelm I accepted the title of Emperor (Kaiser) of Germany. Bismarck himself, on the wave of universal popularity, received the title of prince and the new estate of Friedrichsruhe.

In the Reichstag, meanwhile, a powerful opposition coalition was being formed, the core of which was the newly created centrist Catholic party, united with parties representing national minorities. In order to counter the clericalism of the Catholic Center, Bismarck moved towards rapprochement with the National Liberals, who had the largest share in the Reichstag. The “Kulturkampf” began - Bismarck’s struggle with the Catholic Church and Catholic parties. This struggle had a negative impact on German unity, but it became a matter of principle for Bismarck.

In 1872, Bismarck and Gorchakov organized a meeting in Berlin of three emperors - German, Austrian and Russian. They came to an agreement to jointly confront the revolutionary danger. After that, Bismarck had a conflict with the German Ambassador to France, Arnim, who, like Bismarck, belonged to the conservative wing, which alienated the Chancellor from the conservative Junkers. The result of this confrontation was the arrest of Arnim under the pretext of improper handling of documents. The long struggle with Arnim and the irreconcilable resistance of Windhorst's centrist party could not but affect the health and morale of the chancellor.

In 1879, Franco-German relations deteriorated and Russia, in the form of an ultimatum, demanded that Germany not start new war. This indicated a loss of mutual understanding with Russia. Bismarck found himself in a very difficult international situation that threatened isolation. He even submitted his resignation, but the Kaiser refused to accept it and sent the Chancellor on an indefinite leave that lasted five months.

In addition to the external danger, the internal danger became increasingly stronger, namely the socialist movement in the industrial regions. To combat it, Bismarck tried to pass new repressive legislation, but it was rejected by centrists and liberal progressives. Bismarck spoke more and more often about the “Red Menace,” especially after the assassination attempt on the emperor. At this difficult time for Germany, the Berlin Congress of Leading Powers opened in Berlin to consider the results Russian-Turkish war. The Congress turned out to be surprisingly effective, although Bismarck had to constantly maneuver between representatives of all the great powers.

Immediately after the end of the congress, elections to the Reichstag were held in Germany (1879), in which conservatives and centrists received a confident majority at the expense of liberals and socialists. This allowed Bismarck to pass through the Reichstag a bill directed against the socialists. Another outcome of the new balance of power in the Reichstag was the opportunity to carry out protectionist economic reforms in order to overcome the economic crisis that began in 1873. With these reforms, the Chancellor managed to greatly disorient the national liberals and win over the centrists, which was simply unimaginable a few years earlier. It became clear that the Kulturkampf period had been overcome.

Fearing a rapprochement between France and Russia, Bismarck renewed the Alliance of the Three Emperors in 1881, but relations between Germany and Russia continued to remain strained, which was aggravated by increased contacts between St. Petersburg and Paris. Fearing that Russia and France would act against Germany, as a counterbalance to the Franco-Russian alliance, an agreement was signed in 1882 on the creation Triple Alliance(Germany, Austria and Italy).

The elections of 1881 were actually a defeat for Bismarck: Bismarck's conservative parties and liberals lost to the Center Party, progressive liberals and socialists. The situation became even more serious when opposition parties united to cut the cost of maintaining the army. IN Once again there was a danger that Bismarck would not remain in the chancellor's chair. Full time job and the unrest undermined Bismarck's health - he became too fat and suffered from insomnia. Doctor Schwenniger helped him regain his health, who put the chancellor on a diet and forbade him to drink strong wine. The result was not long in coming - very soon the chancellor regained his former efficiency, and he took up his affairs with renewed vigor.

This time colonial policy came into his field of vision. For the previous twelve years, Bismarck had argued that colonies were an unaffordable luxury for Germany. But during 1884 Germany acquired vast territories in Africa. German colonialism brought Germany closer to its eternal rival France, but created tension in relations with England. Otto von Bismarck managed to involve his son Herbert in colonial affairs, who was involved in resolving issues with England. But there were also enough problems with his son - he inherited only bad traits from his father and was a drunkard.

In March 1887, Bismarck managed to form a stable conservative majority in the Reichstag, which received the nickname "Cartel". In the wake of chauvinistic hysteria and the threat of war with France, voters decided to rally around the chancellor. This gave him the opportunity to pass a seven-year service law through the Reichstag. At the beginning of 1888, Emperor Wilhelm I died, which did not bode well for the chancellor.

The new emperor was Frederick III, who was terminally ill with throat cancer, and who by that time was in terrible physical and mental health. state of mind. He also died a few months later. The throne of the empire was taken by the young Wilhelm II, who had a rather cool attitude towards the chancellor. The emperor began to actively intervene in politics, relegating the elderly Bismarck to the background. Particularly controversial was the anti-socialist bill, in which social reforms went hand in hand with political repression(which was very much in the spirit of the Chancellor). This conflict led to Bismarck's resignation on March 20, 1890.

Otto von Bismarck spent the rest of his life on his estate Friedrichsruhe near Hamburg, rarely leaving it. His wife Johanna died in 1884. IN last years Throughout his life, Bismarck was pessimistic about the prospects for European politics. Emperor Wilhelm II visited him several times. In 1898, the ex-chancellor's health deteriorated sharply, and on July 30 he died in Friedrichsruhe.

Otto Eduard Leopold von Bismarck-Schönhausen- the first chancellor of the German Empire, who implemented the plan for the unification of Germany along the German path and was nicknamed the “Iron Chancellor”.

Otto von Bismarck short biography

Otto von Bismarck born on April 1, 1815 in the family estate of Schönhausen on April 1, 1815 in a family of Prussian landowners. At the insistence of his mother, Otto and his brother were sent to Berlin to receive an education. During 10 years of study, he changed 3 gymnasiums, but did not show any particular interest in knowledge. He was attracted only by the history of politics, both modern and past. After graduating from high school, Otto entered the university. Law became his specialty.

As a student, Bismarck did not distinguish himself with any talents. He led a wild life, played cards and drank a lot. However, he completed his studies and received a position in the Berlin Municipal Court. For three years, Bismarck held the position of tax official in Aachen and Potsdam. There he joined the Jaeger Regiment. In 1838, Bismarck moved to Greifswald, where he continued to perform military service and at the same time study animal breeding. After the death of his mother, Otto von Bismarck returns to his Pomeranian estates and begins to lead the life of an ordinary landowner. His character in those years was so explosive and beyond any control that his neighbors considered him mad.

A month later, the fleeting war was ended with a German victory. Another 4 months later, on behalf of Emperor Wilhelm I, Otto von Bismarck became chancellor of the empire that he himself created. Until 1890, the “Iron Chancellor” ruled the country. During this time, peace was signed with France, very humiliating for Paris, a struggle was waged against the dominance of the Catholic Church, and persecution of socialists began. After the accession of Emperor Wilhelm II to the throne, Bismarck lost his influence and resigned, which was accepted on March 18, 1890. However, he did not retire completely. He continued to express his opinions about current politicians, and was a member of the Reichstag.

Wikipedia has articles about other people with this surname, see Bismarck.

Otto von Bismarck

Bismarck in 1881

March 21, 1871 – March 20, 1890

Monarch:

William I
Frederick III
Wilhelm II

Predecessor:

position established
he himself is the Chancellor of the North German Confederation

Successor:

Leo von Caprivi

July 1, 1867 - January 18, 1871

Monarch:

William I

Predecessor:

position established

Successor:

position abolished
himself as Chancellor of the German Empire

November 9, 1873 – March 20, 1890

Monarch:

William I
Frederick III
Wilhelm II

Predecessor:

Albrecht von Roon

Successor:

Leo von Caprivi

September 22, 1862 – January 1, 1873

Monarch:

William I

Predecessor:

Adolf zu Hohenlohe-Ingelfingen

Successor:

Albrecht von Roon

November 23, 1862 – March 20, 1890

Monarch:

William I
Frederick III
Wilhelm II

Predecessor:

Albrecht von Bernstorff

Successor:

Leo von Caprivi

Citizenship:

Prussia → Germany

Religion:

Lutheranism

Birth:

April 1, 1815 ( 1815-04-01 )
Schönhausen, Saxony, Prussia

Death:

July 30, 1898 ( 1898-07-30 ) (83 years old)
Friedrichsruh, Schleswig-Holstein Germany

Burial place:

Bismarck Mausoleum

Genus:

Bismarcks

Spouse:

Johanna von Puttkamer

Children:

Herbert von Bismarck And Wilhelm von Bismarck

The consignment:

Conservative Party of Prussia

Autograph:

Awards:

On Wikimedia Commons

Otto Eduard Leopold von Bismarck-Schönhausen(German) Otto Eduard Leopold von Bismarck-Schönhausen , prince since 1871; April 1, 1815, Schönhausen - July 30, 1898, Friedrichsru) - the first chancellor of the German Empire, who implemented the plan for the unification of Germany along the Little German path and was nicknamed the “Iron Chancellor.” Upon retirement, he received the title of Duke of Lauenburg and the rank of Prussian colonel general with the rank of field marshal.

In the Kingdom of Prussia, Bismarck earned fame among conservatives as a representative of the interests of the Junkers, and served as a diplomat (1851-1862) during the times of reaction. In 1862 he was appointed minister-chairman of the Prussian government. During the constitutional crisis he opposed the liberals in defense of the monarchy. As Foreign Minister, he turned Prussia into the dominant force in Germany after the Danish War of 1864. In the Franco-Prussian War of 1870-1871. spoke driving force solving the German question along the Little German path and participated in the creation of the Second Reich.

While serving as Reich Chancellor and Prussian Minister-President, he had significant influence on the policies of the newly created Reich until his resignation in 1890. In foreign policy, Bismarck adhered to the principle of the balance of power (or European balance, see Bismarck's alliance system)

In domestic politics, his reign from 1866 can be divided into two phases. At first he made an alliance with moderate liberals. During this period, numerous internal reforms took place, such as the introduction of civil marriage, which was used by Bismarck to weaken the influence of the Catholic Church (see Kulturkampf). Beginning in the late 1870s, Bismarck separated from the liberals. During this phase, he resorts to policies of protectionism and government intervention in the economy. In the 1880s, an anti-socialist law was introduced. Disagreements with the then Kaiser Wilhelm II led to Bismarck's resignation.

In subsequent years, Bismarck played a prominent role political role, criticizing his successors. Thanks to the popularity of his memoirs, Bismarck was able to long time influence the formation of one’s own image in the public consciousness.

By the middle of the 20th century in German historical literature dominated by an unconditionally positive assessment of the role of Bismarck as a politician responsible for the unification of the German principalities into a single national state, which partially satisfied national interests. After his death, numerous monuments were erected in his honor as a symbol of strong personal power. He created a new nation and implemented progressive social welfare systems. Bismarck, loyal to the Kaiser, strengthened the state with a strong, well-trained bureaucracy. After World War II, critical voices began to sound louder, accusing Bismarck, in particular, of curtailing democracy in Germany. More attention was paid to the shortcomings of his policies, and the activities were considered in the current context.

Biography

Origin

Otto von Bismarck was born on April 1, 1815 into a family of small landed nobles in the Brandenburg province (now Saxony-Anhalt). All generations of the Bismarck family served the rulers in peaceful and military fields, but did not show themselves to be anything special. The Bismarcks were Junkers - descendants of conquering knights who founded settlements in the lands east of the Elbe River. The Bismarcks could not boast of extensive landholdings, wealth or aristocratic luxury, but were considered noble.

Youth

From 1822 to 1827, Otto attended the Plaman School, which emphasized physical development. But young Otto was not happy with this, which he often wrote to his parents about. At the age of twelve, Otto left Plaman's school, but did not leave Berlin, continuing his studies at the Frederick the Great Gymnasium on Friedrichstrasse, and when he was fifteen years old, he moved to the Gray Monastery Gymnasium. Otto showed himself to be an average, not outstanding student. But he studied French and German well, being fond of reading foreign literature. The young man’s main interests lay in the field of politics of past years, the history of military and peaceful rivalry between different countries. At that time, the young man, unlike his mother, was far from religion.

After graduating from high school, Otto’s mother sent him to the Georg August University in Göttingen, which was located in the kingdom of Hanover. It was assumed that young Bismarck would study law and, in the future, enter the diplomatic service. However, Bismarck was not in the mood for serious study and preferred to have fun with friends, of whom there were many in Gottingen. Otto took part in 27 duels, in one of which he was wounded for the first and only time in his life - the wound left him with a scar on his cheek. In general, Otto von Bismarck at that time was not much different from the “golden” German youth.

Bismarck did not complete his education in Göttingen - living on a grand scale turned out to be burdensome for his pocket, and, under threat of arrest by the university authorities, he left the city. For a whole year he was enrolled at the New Metropolitan University of Berlin, where he defended his dissertation on philosophy in the field of political economy. This was the end of his university education. Naturally, Bismarck immediately decided to start a career in the diplomatic field, for which his mother had high hopes. But the then Prussian Foreign Minister Ancillon refused the young Bismarck, advising him to “look for a position in some administrative institution within Germany, and not in the sphere of European diplomacy.” It is possible that this decision of the minister was influenced by rumors about Otto’s stormy student life and his passion for sorting things out through a duel.

Job

Bismarck, 1836

As a result, Bismarck went to work in Aachen, which had recently become part of Prussia. The influence of France was still felt in this resort town, and Bismarck was mainly concerned with the problems associated with the annexation of this border territory into the customs union, which was dominated by Prussia. But the work, according to Bismarck himself, “was not burdensome” and he had plenty of time to read and enjoy life. During this period, he almost married the daughter of an English parish priest, Isabella Lorraine-Smith.

Having fallen out of favor in Aachen, Bismarck was forced to enlist in military service - in the spring of 1838 he enlisted in the guards battalion of rangers. However, his mother's illness shortened his service life: many years of caring for children and the estate undermined her health. The death of his mother put an end to Bismarck's wanderings in search of business - it became completely clear that he would have to manage his Pomeranian estates.

Having settled in Pomerania, Otto von Bismarck began to think about ways to increase the profitability of his estates and soon won the respect of his neighbors, both with theoretical knowledge and practical success. Life on the estate greatly disciplined Bismarck, especially when compared with his student years. He showed himself to be a shrewd and practical landowner. But still, his student habits made themselves felt, and soon the surrounding cadets nicknamed him “mad.”

Bismarck became very close to his younger sister Malvina, who completed her studies in Berlin. A spiritual closeness arose between brother and sister, caused by similarities in tastes and sympathies.

Bismarck never again ceased to consider himself a believer in God and a follower of Martin Luther. He began every morning by reading passages from the Bible. Otto decided to become engaged to Johanna von Puttkamer, which he achieved without any problems

Political career

Bismarck first had the opportunity to enter politics as a deputy of the newly formed United Landtag of the Kingdom of Prussia. He decided not to waste this chance and on May 11, 1847, took his parliamentary seat, temporarily postponing his own wedding. This was a time of intense confrontation between liberals and conservative pro-royal forces: liberals demanded that Frederick William IV approve a constitution and greater civil liberties, but the king was in no hurry to grant them; he needed money to build a railway from Berlin to East Prussia. It was for this purpose that he convened the United Landtag, consisting of eight provincial landstags, in April 1847.

Bismarck and his wife

After his first speech in the Diet, Bismarck became notorious. In his speech, he tried to refute the liberal deputy’s assertion about the constitutional nature of the war of liberation of 1813. As a result, thanks to the press, the “mad Junker” from Pomerania turned into a “mad” deputy of the Berlin Landtag. A month later, Otto earned himself the nickname “Persecutor Finke” because of his constant attacks on the idol and mouthpiece of the liberals, Georg von Finke. Revolutionary sentiments were gradually maturing in the country; especially among the urban lower classes and workers dissatisfied with rising food prices. Under these conditions, Otto von Bismarck and Johanna Puttkamer finally got married.

However, Bismarck was forced to come to terms and decided to try to advance to the lower house of parliament. With great difficulty, Bismarck managed to pass both rounds of elections. He took his seat as a deputy on February 26, 1849. However, Bismarck's negative attitude towards the German unification and the Frankfurt Parliament greatly damaged his reputation. After the dissolution of parliament by the king, Bismarck practically lost his chances of being re-elected. But this time he was lucky, because the king changed the electoral system, which saved Bismarck from the need to conduct an election campaign. On August 7, Otto von Bismarck again took his parliamentary seat.

A little time passed, and a serious conflict arose between Austria and Prussia, which could escalate into a full-scale war. Both states considered themselves leaders of the German world and tried to draw small German principalities into their orbit of influence. This time Erfurt became the stumbling block, and Prussia had to give in, concluding the “Olmütz Agreement”. Bismarck actively supported this agreement, as he believed that Prussia could not win this war. After some hesitation, the king appointed Bismarck as Prussia's representative to the Frankfurt Diet. Soon Bismarck met the most famous political figure in Austria, Clement Metternich.

During the Crimean War, Bismarck resisted Austrian attempts to mobilize German armies for war with Russia. He became an ardent supporter of the German Confederation and an opponent of Austrian dominance. As a result, Bismarck became the main supporter of an alliance with Russia and France (who had recently fought with each other), directed against Austria. First of all, it was necessary to establish contact with France, for which Bismarck left for Paris on April 4, 1857, where he met with Emperor Napoleon III, who did not make much of an impression on him. But due to the king’s illness and a sharp turn in Prussian foreign policy, Bismarck’s plans were not destined to come true, and he was sent as ambassador to Russia.

In St. Petersburg

House of Kapnists

According to the prevailing opinion in Russian historiography, his communication with the Russian Vice-Chancellor Gorchakov had a huge influence on the formation of Bismarck as a diplomat during his stay in Russia. Bismarck already had the diplomatic qualities necessary for this post. He had natural intelligence and political insight.

Gorchakov prophesied a great future for Bismarck. Once, when he was already chancellor, he said, pointing to Bismarck: “Look at this man! Under Frederick the Great he could have become his minister.” In Russia, Bismarck studied the Russian language, spoke it very well and understood the essence of the characteristic Russian way of thinking, which greatly helped him in the future in choosing the right political line in relation to Russia.

He took part in the Russian royal sport - bear hunting, and even killed two, but stopped this activity, declaring that it was dishonorable to take a gun against unarmed animals. During one of these hunts, his legs were so severely frostbitten that there was a question of amputation.

In January 1861, King Frederick William IV died and was replaced by former regent William I, after which Bismarck was transferred as ambassador to Paris.

German reunification

With iron and blood

Nikolay Repik. Portrait of Otto von Bismarck, 2013

Bismarck consistently pursued a policy of unifying Germany. The phrase “with iron and blood” (German) Blut und Eisen) was said by Prussian Prime Minister Otto von Bismarck on September 30, 1862, in a speech before the budget committee of parliament.

The main purpose of the speech was Bismarck's attempt to overcome the split between the government and parliament. Parliament refused to allocate funds for the planned reform in the army, but the liberal majority did not abandon the idea of some reorganization and strengthening of the army. It demanded to guarantee the preservation of a two-year term of service in the army, and not to dissolve the Landwehr, in which liberal sentiments were strong. In order to achieve mutual understanding and gain support from the Prussian parliament, on September 30, 1862, Prussian Prime Minister Otto von Bismarck made a speech, which, among other things, said:

Germany does not look to the liberalism of Prussia, but to its power; let Bavaria, Württemberg, Baden be tolerant of liberalism. Therefore, no one will give you the role of Prussia; Prussia must gather its forces and preserve them until the favorable moment, which has already been missed several times. Prussia's borders according to the Vienna Agreements are not favorable normal life states; It is not by the speeches and decisions of the majority that important issues of our time are resolved - this was a major mistake in 1848 and 1849 - but by iron and blood.

Here Bismarck relied on the poems of Max von Schenkendorff, who volunteered for the war in 1813 (Russian interlinear translation):

Because only iron can save us,
Only blood can free us
From the heavy chains of sin,
From the self-confidence of Evil

Original text(German)

Denn nur Eisen kann uns retten
Uns erlösen kann nur Blut
von der Sunde schweren Ketten,
Von des Bösen Übermut.

Thus, Bismarck advocated an active foreign policy. Although the liberal majority of parliament agreed that the "German question" could not be resolved without violence, Bismarck's speech was regarded, especially by the (liberal) press, as a direct call for violence and as a foreign policy scam.

The background is as follows: the regent under the incompetent king Frederick William IV - Prince Wilhelm, closely associated with the army, was extremely dissatisfied with the existence of the Landwehr - the territorial army that played decisive role in the fight against Napoleon and maintaining liberal sentiments. Moreover, the Landwehr, relatively independent of the government, proved ineffective in suppressing the 1848 revolution. Therefore, he supported the Prussian Minister of War Roon in developing a military reform, which envisaged the creation of a regular army with an increased service life in the infantry and four years in the cavalry. Military spending was supposed to increase by 25%. This met with resistance, and the king dissolved the liberal government, replacing it with a reactionary administration. But the budget was again not approved.

At this time, European trade was actively developing, important role in which Prussia played with its intensively developing industry, an obstacle to which was Austria, which practiced a position of protectionism. To inflict moral damage on her, Prussia recognized the legitimacy of the Italian king Victor Emmanuel, who came to power in the wake of the revolution against the Habsburgs.

In 1861, Wilhelm became the Prussian King Wilhelm I, who encountered opposition from Landtag deputies on a budget issue, which resulted in a constitutional crisis. To overcome it, it was decided to recall Bismarck, who was ambassador there, from Paris.

Wilhelm, knowing Bismarck's position as an extreme conservative, had serious doubts about this appointment. However, at an audience in Babelsberg on September 22, 1862, Bismarck assured the king that he would serve him as faithfully as a vassal would serve his overlord. On September 23, 1862, the king appointed Bismarck as minister-chairman of the Prussian government, giving him broad powers.

Bismarck formed his cabinet of conservative ministers, among whom there were practically no prominent personalities, except for Roon. Bismarck then drew attention to the "hole in the constitution" in which the mechanism for government action during a constitutional crisis was not spelled out.

In his famous speech in the lower house of the Landtag, he stated that the principle of voting by majority decision was a big mistake in 1848-1849. And therefore, the most important decisions must be made based on “iron and blood.” At the same time, he had in mind, first of all, the unification of Germany. Bismarck was confident that the time had come for Prussia and Austria to compete for dominance on German soil.

Sensing the danger, Austria took the initiative in convening a conference of the rulers of all German states with the aim of developing far-reaching federal reforms under the chairmanship of Franz Joseph and the subsequent holding of general elections to the national parliament. The latter arrived at the resort in Gasteinertal, where Wilhelm was at that time, but Bismarck, not without nervous breakdown Each participant in the discussion nevertheless convinced King William to refuse. The leaders of the German states, who traditionally gathered without Prussia again in Frankfurt am Main, came to the conclusion that a united Germany was unthinkable without the participation of Prussia. Austria's hopes for hegemony in the German space collapsed forever.

Annexation of Schleswig and Holstein

Main article: Austro-Prussian-Danish War

Bismarck is a triumphant man.

In 1864, war broke out with Denmark over the status of Schleswig and Holstein, which were the southern part of Denmark but were dominated by ethnic Germans. The conflict had been smoldering for a long time, but in 1863 it escalated with renewed vigor under pressure from nationalists on both sides. As a result, at the beginning of 1864, Prussian troops occupied Schleswig-Holstein and soon these duchies were divided between Prussia and Austria. However, this was not the end of the conflict; the crisis in relations between Austria and Prussia was constantly smoldering, but did not fade away.

Annexation of West Germany

Main article: Austro-Prussian-Italian War

In 1866, it became clear that war could not be avoided, and both sides began to mobilize their military forces. Prussia was in a close alliance with Italy, which put pressure on Austria from the southwest and sought to occupy Venice. The Prussian armies quickly occupied most of the northern German lands and were ready for the main campaign against Austria. The Austrians suffered one defeat after another and were forced to accept a peace treaty imposed by Prussia. The latter included Hesse-Kassel, Nassau, Hanover, Schleswig-Holstein and Frankfurt am Main.

Creation of the North German Confederation

Main article: North German Confederation

The war with Austria greatly exhausted the chancellor and undermined his health. Bismarck took a vacation. But he didn't have to rest for long. From the beginning of 1867, Bismarck worked hard to create a Constitution for the North German Confederation. After some concessions to the Landtag, the Constitution was adopted and the North German Confederation was born. Two weeks later Bismarck became chancellor. This strengthening of Prussia greatly excited the rulers of France and Russia. And if relations with Alexander II remained quite warm, the French were very negative towards the Germans. Passions were fueled by the Spanish succession crisis. One of the contenders for the Spanish throne was Leopold, who belonged to the Brandenburg Hohenzollern dynasty, and France could not allow him to the important Spanish throne. Patriotic sentiments began to rule in both countries. In addition, the southern German lands were under strong influence from France, which prevented the much-desired unification of Germany. The war was not long in coming.

Proclamation of the Empire

Main article: Second Reich

German headquarters in Versailles. From left to right: Blumenthal, Crown Prince Frederick, Verdi du Vernoy, William the First, Moltke, Roon, Bismarck

The Franco-Prussian War of 1870-1871 was devastating for the French, the defeat at Sedan was especially crushing. Emperor Napoleon III was captured, and another revolution took place in Paris. Meanwhile, Alsace and Lorraine, the kingdoms of Saxony, Bavaria and Württemberg joined Prussia, and Bismarck proclaimed the creation of the Second Reich on January 18, 1871, with Wilhelm I taking the title of Emperor (Kaiser) of Germany. Bismarck himself, on the wave of universal popularity, received the title of prince and the new estate of Friedrichsru.

The fight against the Catholic opposition

Main article: Kulturkampf

Bismarck and Lasker in Parliament

The unification of Germany led to the fact that communities that were once in violent conflict with each other found themselves in one state. One of the most important problems, faced by the newly created empire, the question of interaction between the state and Catholic Church. On this basis it began Kulturkampf- Bismarck's struggle for cultural unification Germany.

Prussia, which played the leading role, was decidedly Protestant. In principle, the central government was determined to support the Vatican as a conservative force in Europe after the withdrawal of French troops from Italy in 1870. But a significant number of Catholics constantly caused problems. They had significant influence in the small countries and principalities that joined Prussia. Catholics in the Polish regions, Lorraine and Alsace were generally negative towards the state. In addition, there was no unity among Catholics. The category of “former Catholics” did not recognize the decision of the Vatican Council of 1869-1870 on the infallibility of the Pope in matters of doctrine and, thereby, introduced confusion into the Catholic camp.

The solemn ceremony of proclamation of Wilhelm I as German Emperor at Versailles. In the center (in a white uniform) O. von Bismarck is depicted.

In 1871, the Reichstag introduced the “Pulpit Paragraph” into the constitution, prohibiting any political propaganda from the church pulpit, which remained in force until 1953. Therefore, the Kulturkampf was carried out on the periphery, in former dwarf states and principalities.

The School Law of 1873 placed all religious educational establishments under state control, marriage registration became mandatory government agency, funding for the church was stopped, appointments to church positions became necessary to be coordinated with the state, the Jesuit Order was dissolved. In response to the Vatican's instructions to sabotage these events, a number of religious leaders were arrested or expelled from the country.

Bismarck, 1873

A powerful opposition coalition was formed among the Reichstag deputies, the core of which was the newly created Catholic Center Party, which united with parties representing national minorities. To counter the clericalism of the Catholic Center, Bismarck moved towards rapprochement with the National Liberals, who had the largest share in the Reichstag.

One of the founders of this party was Eduard Lasker (1829-1884), an adherent of bourgeois ideology and an active fighter for providing the Jewish population with full economic rights. Speaking in parliament, Bismarck insisted that in order to ensure a constitutional majority it is necessary to rely on the support of even those parties with which there is no internal unity of views.

Bismarck and Windthorst

Bismarck met the liberals halfway in order to ensure their support for his course, agreed with the proposed changes in civil and criminal legislation and ensuring freedom of speech, which did not always correspond to his wishes. However, all this led to the strengthening of the influence of centrists and conservatives, who began to view the attack against the church as a manifestation of godless liberalism. As a result, already in 1875 Bismarck himself began to view his campaign as a serious mistake.

The long struggle with Arnim and the irreconcilable resistance of Windthorst's centrist party could not but affect the health and morale of the chancellor.

Strengthening peace in Europe

Danger on the Left

Main article: Prussian socialism

“As long as it’s stormy, I’m at the helm”

To the 60th anniversary of the Chancellor

In addition to the external danger, the internal danger became increasingly stronger, namely the socialist movement in the industrial regions. To combat it, Bismarck tried to pass new repressive legislation. Bismarck spoke more and more often about the “Red Menace,” especially after the assassination attempt on the emperor.

The events of 1874 in the history of Germany are considered by some as the “Rebirth of the Second Reich.” This year, an attempt was made on Bismarck’s life in Bad Kissingen. After this, Bismarck tried to pass a resolution through the Reichstag giving the right of control over all clubs and associations, but it was rejected by centrists and liberal progressives, replacing it with some changes made to the articles of the criminal code relating to these associations. Lasker, this brilliant opponent of Bismarck, tried to carry out his project, but it too was rejected. After this, Bismarck publicly appealed to public opinion by drawing gloomy picture the intentions of liberals and socialists to destroy the state, which this time received support in the Reichstag. In the elections of 1877, Lasker and his liberals lost their majority in parliament, which swung noticeably to the right.

On May 11, 1878, a certain carpenter attempted to attack the Emperor as he walked along Unter den Linden. Without any serious evidence, Bismarck declared him a member of the Social Democratic Party, created by Marxists, Lassalleans and other idealists at their founding conference in Gotha in 1875. On this basis, he demanded the adoption of a tough law against socialists of all stripes. But Bennigsen, a member of the National Liberal Party in the Bundesrat, on behalf of the right-liberal faction, said that Bismarck’s proposal was “a declaration of war on the Reichstag,” and the proposal did not pass.

In June 1878, another attempt was made to assassinate the emperor. Bismarck tried to use this as a reason to dissolve deputies, pass laws against the socialists and gain a parliamentary majority to carry out his tariff reforms. But the delegation from Baden spoke out against the dissolution of parliament. Then Bismarck said that he needed “unanimous support” and began to threaten to resign or carry out a coup d’etat. The Bundesrat conceded, and the elections on July 30, 1878 led to the fact that conservatives and centrists received a confident majority in the German parliament at the expense of liberals and socialists, who, however, received two more mandates than before. This allowed Bismarck to push a bill through the Reichstag against the socialists. The Social Democratic Party was banned, as well as its rallies, and the socialists were deprived of a license for their publications. But Socialist deputies could still be elected to the Reichstag and freely pronounce their tirades against state system, and gather their congresses in Switzerland and from there send publications to Germany.

Another outcome of the new balance of power in the Reichstag was the opportunity to carry out protectionist economic reforms in order to overcome the economic crisis that began in 1873. With these reforms, the Chancellor managed to greatly disorient the national liberals and win over the centrists, which was simply unimaginable a few years earlier. Thus, in 1878 it became clear that the period of Bismarck's Kulturkampf policy was left behind. Moreover, around that time, lobbying groups representing the interests of grain and steel producers secured a decisive role in the Reichstag. The age of parliamentary democracy in Germany is over.

Fearing a rapprochement between France and Russia, Bismarck renewed the Alliance of the Three Emperors in 1881, but relations between Germany and Russia continued to remain strained, which was aggravated by increased contacts between St. Petersburg and Paris. Fearing that Russia and France would act against Germany, as a counterweight to the Franco-Russian alliance, an agreement was signed in 1882 to create the Triple Alliance (Germany, Austria and Italy).

The elections of 1881 were actually a defeat for Bismarck: Bismarck's conservative parties and liberals lost to the Center Party, progressive liberals and socialists. The situation became even more serious when opposition parties united to cut the cost of maintaining the army. Once again there was a danger that Bismarck would not remain in the chancellor's chair. Constant work and worry undermined Bismarck's health - he became fat and suffered from insomnia. Doctor Schwenniger helped him regain his health, who put the chancellor on a diet and forbade him to drink strong wine. The result was not long in coming - very soon the chancellor regained his former efficiency and he took up his affairs with renewed vigor.

At first, Germany lagged behind England and France in regulating relations between employers and employees. But Bismarck conceived his pension reforms as a means to transform the working class into a class of renters loyal to the state and conservative-minded, that is, valuing their position. According to Bismarck, such state capitalism would be the best cure for social democracy. He began by sending to the Reichstag a draft for workers' health insurance (1883), which provided for the payment of sickness benefits from the third day onwards for a maximum of 13 weeks. After three years debate, accident insurance was introduced in 1884. Compensation was 2/3 of average salary and began from the 14th week of illness; Responsibility for the payment of this compensation was assigned to associations of entrepreneurs based on cooperative principles (German. Berufgenossenschaften). Finally, in 1889, the Reichstag passed a law on pensions due to age and disability. However, amounts paid under this law for a long time remained extremely small, averaging 152 marks per year by 1914, while the average annual salary was 1,083 marks by the same year.

For various reasons, these measures did not suit both workers and employers. Moreover, in principle they could not stop the growth of the social democratic movement, since the latter’s goal was the development of social control, and not social compensation. However, Bismarck's labor insurance measures were far superior to those adopted in other industrialized countries and became the basis for further social reforms.

Colonial policy

In 1881, Bismarck declared that "as long as he is Chancellor, there will be no colonial policy in Germany." However, regardless of his will, in the period 1884-1885 German colonies were created in the Southwestern and East Africa, in Togo and Cameroon, New Guinea, the Bismarck Archipelago, Solomon and Marshall Islands. German colonialism brought Germany closer to its eternal rival France (which ensured fairly stable relations between the countries throughout the 1880-1890s), but created tension in relations with England.

During Bismarck's time, only 0.1% of exports went to the colonies, although imports from the colonies to Germany accounted for the same share. Bismarck believed that maintaining colonies is very expensive, both economically and politically, since colonies are always a source of unexpected and serious complications. Colonies divert resources and efforts from solving pressing internal problems.

On the other hand, the colonies were possible markets and sources of raw materials for the developing at a fast pace industry. They also allowed us to enter markets in Africa, South America and Oceania.

At certain moments he demonstrated commitment to the colonial issue, but this was political move, for example, during the election campaign of 1884, when he was accused of lack of patriotism. In addition, this was done in order to reduce the chances of the heir prince Frederick with his leftist views and far-reaching pro-English orientation. In addition, he understood that the key problem for the country's security was normal relations with England. In 1890, he exchanged Zanzibar from England for the island of Heligoland, which much later became an outpost of the German fleet in the world's oceans.

Otto von Bismarck managed to involve his son Herbert in colonial affairs, who was involved in resolving issues with England. But there were also enough problems with his son - he inherited only bad traits from his father and was a drunkard.

In the field of foreign policy, Bismarck then makes one of his biggest mistakes. Supporting the anti-Russian policy of Austria-Hungary in the Balkans, he confidently believed in the impossibility of a Franco-Russian alliance (“The Tsar and the Marseillaise are incompatible”). Nevertheless, he decided to conclude a secret so-called agreement with Russia. "reinsurance contract", however only until 1890.

Resignation

At the beginning of 1888, Emperor Wilhelm I died, which did not bode well for the chancellor. The new emperor was Frederick III, who was terminally ill with throat cancer, and who by that time was in a terrible physical and mental state. A few months later he died.

last years of life

On June 15, 1888, the throne of the empire was taken by the young Wilhelm II, who did not want to be in the shadow of the influential chancellor. The aging Bismarck submitted his resignation, which was confirmed by the Kaiser on March 20, 1890. The 75-year-old Bismarck received the honorary title of Duke and the rank of Colonel General of the Cavalry. However, he did not retire completely from business. “You cannot demand from me that after forty years devoted to politics, I will suddenly do nothing at all.” He was elected as a deputy of the Reichstag, all of Germany celebrated his 80th birthday, and he took part in the coronation of the All-Russian Emperor Nicholas II.

After his resignation, Bismarck decided to expound his memories and publish memoirs. The first two volumes were printed in 1898 and had big success. The third volume was published in 1921.

Bismarck tried not only to influence the formation of his image in the eyes of his descendants, but also continued to interfere in contemporary politics, in particular, he undertook active campaigns in the press. Bismarck was most often attacked by his successor, Caprivi. Indirectly, he criticized the emperor, whom he could not forgive for his resignation. In the summer of 1891, Bismarck took part in the elections to the Reichstag, however, he never took part in the work of his 19th constituency in Hanover, never used his mandate, and resigned in 1893

The press campaign was successful. Public opinion tilted in favor of Bismarck, especially after Wilhelm II began to openly attack him. The authority of the new Reich Chancellor Caprivi suffered especially badly when he tried to prevent Bismarck from meeting with the Austrian Emperor Franz Joseph. The journey to Vienna turned into a triumph for Bismarck, who declared that he had no responsibilities to the German authorities: “all bridges were burned”

Wilhelm II was forced to accept reconciliation. Several meetings with Bismarck in 1894 went well, but did not lead to a real détente in relations. Just how unpopular Bismarck was in the Reichstag was shown by the fierce battles over the approval of congratulations on the occasion of his 80th birthday. Due to the publication of a top-secret reinsurance contract in 1896, it attracted the attention of the German and foreign press.

The death of his wife in 1894 was a strong blow for Bismarck. In 1898, the ex-chancellor's health deteriorated sharply, and on July 30 he died in Friedrichsruh at the age of 84.

Memory

Postage stamp of the German Federal Post (1965) on the occasion of the 150th anniversary of the birth of Bismarck.

In Germany there are several monuments to the creator of the Second Reich, but the most grandiose of them was the 34-meter figure of Bismarck, created over 5 years according to the design of Hugo Lederer. Completed in 1906 and installed on the banks of the Elbe in Hamburg

The battleship, the flagship of the Kriegsmarine, was named after Bismarck.
Bismarck was honorary citizen many German cities, including Hamburg.
An archipelago in the Pacific Ocean is named after him.
During his lifetime, the capital of the US state of North Dakota was named in honor of Bismarck.

Historiography

In the more than 150 years since Bismarck's birth, many different options interpretation of his personal and political activity, some of them are mutually opposite. Until the end of World War II, German-language literature was dominated by writers whose point of view was influenced by their own political and religious worldview. Historian Karina Urbach noted in 1998: “His biography was taught to at least six generations, and it is safe to say that each successive generation studied a different Bismarck. No other German politician has been used and distorted as much as he has.”

Empire times

Controversies surrounding the figure of Bismarck existed even during his lifetime. Already in the first, sometimes multi-volume, biographical publications, the complexity and ambiguity of Bismarck was emphasized. Sociologist Max Weber in 1895 critically assessed Bismarck's role in the process of German unification: “His life's work was not only the external, but also the internal unity of the nation, but each of us knows: this was not achieved. This cannot be achieved by his methods.” Theodore Fontane, in the last years of his life, wrote literary portrait, in which he compared Bismarck with Wallenstein. The assessment of Bismarck from Fontane's point of view differs significantly from the assessment of most of his contemporaries: “he is a great genius, but a small man.”

A negative assessment of Bismarck's role did not find support for a long time, partly thanks to his memoirs. They became an almost inexhaustible source of quotes for his fans. For decades, the book formed the basis of the image of Bismarck among patriotic citizens. At the same time, it weakened the critical view of the founder of the empire. During his lifetime, Bismarck had personal influence over his image in history, as he controlled access to documents and sometimes corrected manuscripts. After the death of the chancellor, control over the formation of the image in history was taken over by his son, Herbert von Bismarck.

Professional historical science could not get rid of the influence of Bismarck's role in the unification of the German lands and joined the idealization of his image. Heinrich von Treitschke changed his attitude towards Bismarck from critical to devoted admirer. He called the founding of the German Empire the most a shining example heroism in German history. Treitschke and other representatives of the Lesser German-Borussian school of history were fascinated by Bismarck's strength of character. Bismarck biographer Erich Marx wrote in 1906: “In fact, I must admit: living in those times was such a great experience that everything that has to do with it is of value for history.” However, Marx, along with other Wilhelminian historians such as Heinrich von Siebel, noted the contradictory nature of Bismarck's role compared to the achievements of the Hohenzollerns. Thus, in 1914, in school textbooks, the founder of the German Empire was called not Bismarck, but Wilhelm I.

A decisive contribution to the exaltation of Bismarck's role in history was made in the First world war. On the occasion of the 100th anniversary of Bismarck's birth in 1915, articles were published that did not even hide their propaganda purpose. In a patriotic impulse, historians noted the duties of German soldiers to defend the unity and greatness of Germany achieved by Bismarck from foreign invaders, and at the same time, remained silent about Bismarck’s numerous warnings about the inadmissibility of such a war in the middle of Europe. Bismarck scholars such as Erich Marx, Mack Lenz and Horst Kohl have portrayed Bismarck as a channeler of the German warrior spirit.

Weimar Republic and Third Reich

Germany's defeat in the war and the creation of the Weimar Republic did not change Bismarck's idealistic image, since the elite historians remained loyal to the monarch. In such a helpless and chaotic state, Bismarck was like a guide, a father, a genius to be followed in order to end the “Versailles humiliation.” If any criticism of his role in history was expressed, it concerned the Little German way of solving the German question, and not the military or imposed unification of the state. Traditionalism prevented the emergence of innovative biographies of Bismarck. The publication of further documents in the 1920s once again helped to emphasize Bismarck's diplomatic skill. The most popular biography of Bismarck at the time was written by Emil Ludwig in 1926, which presented a critical psychological analysis of how Bismarck was portrayed as a Faustian hero in a 19th-century historical drama.

During the Nazi period, a historical lineage between Bismarck and Adolf Hitler was more often depicted in order to secure the Third Reich's leading role in the German unity movement. Erich Marx, a pioneer of Bismarck studies, emphasized these ideologically driven historical interpretations. In Britain, Bismarck was also portrayed as the predecessor of Hitler, who stood at the beginning of Germany's special path. As World War II progressed, Bismarck's weight in propaganda decreased somewhat; Since 1941, his warning about the inadmissibility of war with Russia has not been mentioned. But conservative representatives of the resistance movement saw their guide in Bismarck

In 1944, Arnold Oscar Myers' work "Bismarck" was published. Man and statesman" (German) Bismarck der Mann und der Staatsmann ), in which Bismarck was depicted in national and populist colors. In this book the tradition of praising Bismarck in imperial style reached highest point. Due to defeat in World War II and the subsequent division of Germany, Myers's politicized interpretation no longer had great influence to reassess Bismarck in professional historical science.

An important critical work was published by the German lawyer in exile Erich Eick, who wrote a biography of Bismarck in three volumes. He criticized Bismarck for his cynical attitude towards democratic, liberal and humanistic values and held him responsible for the destruction of democracy in Germany. The system of unions was very cleverly constructed, but, being an artificial construction, it was doomed to collapse from birth. However, Eick could not help but admire the figure of Bismarck: “but no one, anywhere, can disagree with the fact that he [Bismarck] was the main figure of his time... No one can help but admire the power of the charm of this man, who is always curious and important.”

Post-war period until 1990

After World War II, influential German historians, notably Hans Rothfelds and Theodor Schieder, took varied but positive views of Bismarck. Friedrich Meinecke, a former admirer of Bismarck, argued in his 1946 book The German Disaster. Die deutsche Katastrophe) that the painful defeat of the German nation state canceled out all praise for Bismarck for the foreseeable future.

The Briton Alan J. P. Taylor published in 1955 a psychological, and not least because of this limited, biography of Bismarck, in which he tried to show the struggle between the paternal and maternal principles in the soul of his hero. Taylor positively characterized Bismarck's instinctive struggle for order in Europe against the aggressive foreign policy Wilhelmian era. The first post-war biography of Bismarck, written by Wilhelm Momsen, differed from the works of his predecessors in a style that pretended to be sober and objective. Momsen emphasized Bismarck's political flexibility and believed that his failures could not overshadow the successes of his government.

During the 1960s and 1970s, interest among West German historians in "great figures" declined greatly. But more attention was paid to the study of political, social and cultural structures, in which they were built, and on the work of which they had an influence. In the socio-historical school that formed around Hans-Ulrich Wöhler, who criticized Bismarck, Bismarck's practice of campaigning against perceived enemies of the state (Social Democrats, Jesuits, etc.) was seen as a problem. Integration by increasing fears against a common enemy was used by the Chancellor to unite society into new empire. With the policy of “land collection,” Bismarck managed to satisfy the interests of the two most influential groups: the main landowners (Junkers) and large industrialists. Wöhler described Bismarck's system of government in 1973 as a Bonapartist dictatorship, with elements of charisma, populism and traditionalism. Wöhler subsequently attempted to analyze Bismarck's condition using Max Weber's concept of the "charismatic overlord".

In the late 1970s, a movement of social historians emerged against biographical research. Since then, biographies of Bismarck have begun to appear, in which he is depicted either in an extremely light or dark colors. A common feature Most new biographies of Bismarck attempt to synthesize Bismarck's influence and describe his position in social structures And political processes that time

Fritz Stern took an unusual path, writing a double biography in 1978: Bismarck and the banker close to him, Gerson Bleichroeder. Lothar Gal described in 1980, using the example of Bismarck, the image of the “white revolutionary”, which was later used by Ludwig Bamberger and Henry Kissinger. In accordance with this image, Bismarck, being an ardent supporter of the monarchy, was forced to destroy the existing social order and make modernization. Finally, he unleashed forces that he could not keep under his control, and which acted contrary to modern trends.

American historian Otto Pflanze published between 1963 and 1990. a multi-volume biography of Bismarck, in which, unlike others, Bismarck’s personality, studied by means of psychoanalysis, was placed in the foreground. Pflanze criticized Bismarck for his treatment of political parties and the subordination of the constitution to its own purposes, which created a negative precedent to follow. According to Pflanz, the image of Bismarck as the unifier of the German nation comes from Bismarck himself, who from the very beginning sought only to strengthen Prussian power over the main states of Europe.

East German historian Ernst Engelberg published a biography of Bismarck in 1985, which raised eyebrows in West Germany because, given the Chancellor's persecution of socialists, it cast him in a very attractive light. Engelberg, like other Eastern European historians of the time, believed that the creation of the empire was a step towards progress that gave the working class national unity. Engelberg viewed Bismarck not as an adventurer, but as a purposeful politician, whose character flaws could be explained by the social foundations of the Junkers. Responsibility for the First World War lies not with Bismarck, but with his successors

Bismarck was often depicted in military uniform. In recognition of his services to the German Empire, Wilhelm I awarded Bismarck princely title. All of Bismarck's actions were subordinated to only one goal - the unification, and then the preservation of the unity of Germany under the supreme authority of the Hohenzollerns.

For the second time, Bismarck began his political career in 1847 as an extremely conservative deputy in the Prussian Diet - Landtag, where he attracted the attention of King Frederick William IV with furious speeches. In relation to Bismarck, the monarch made the following note: “An inveterate reactionary, he smells of blood; to be used only when there is a need for undivided rule of the bayonet.” Despite this, the king began to receive him at court, willingly listened to what this “mad junker” offered, but very rarely followed his advice.

Meanwhile, Bismarck confidently climbed the steps of his political career. After the all-German parliament, the Bundestag, was created in Frankfurt, this favorite of the king arrived there in 1851 with the rank of Prussian ambassador. From the very beginning, he began to act ahead and resolutely opposed any political initiatives put forward by Austria (Prussia's main competitor for a leading position in Germany). Bismarck coped with his duties so well that for 10 years he served as a Prussian diplomat, first in Frankfurt, and then in St. Petersburg and Paris.

Frederick William IV

The successes he achieved there were of such a nature that among conservatives and at the royal court he acquired a reputation as a “man for hard times.” Events that soon played out in Prussia confirmed this assessment. At that time, in Germany there was a growing desire to unite disparate small states into a single strong organism - the German Empire. At the same time, the Germans were divided into two political camps: liberals were inclined to unite from below, through a parliament elected by all Germans, and their opponents, conservatives, were supporters of strong monarchical power and demanded unification without the participation of the people; for them, an agreement between the monarchs of all German states was sufficient.

Therefore, both in Prussia and throughout Germany there was a fierce struggle between liberals and conservatives. Its most striking manifestation was the conflict between the Prussian parliament and the government over control of the army and, in particular, the question of the Landwehr. The king and the court saw that liberal sentiments were penetrating the army, and it, as the support of the throne, must be unconditionally loyal to the monarch.

German headquarters in Versailles. From left to right: Blumenthal, Crown Prince Frederick, Verdi du Vernoy, William the First, Moltke, Roon, Bismarck

The government demanded strict control over the Landwehr, and the liberal opposition, which had a majority in the Prussian Diet, opposed this. The conflict grew, and the government was unable to overcome the resistance of the deputies, who did not agree to approve the state budget. It was then that the king invited a man with a reputation as a “liberal-hater” to the post of Minister-President of Prussia - Otto von Bismarck, who began by dissolving the Sejm, and when the result of the new elections turned out to be unfavorable for the government, he stopped taking parliament into account altogether.

He sharply limited the freedom of the press and prohibited self-government bodies from engaging in politics. Meanwhile, military reform was in full swing, and Prussia was quickly turning into a country with the most combat-ready army in the world. The goal of Bismarck's foreign policy was to weaken the role of the Habsburgs in Germany with the subsequent creation of an all-German state under the auspices of Prussia alone. And the chancellor began a complex diplomatic game. To begin with, he invited Vienna to jointly decide the fate of Schleswig and Holstein - principalities with a German population under the authority of the Danish king.