What kind of nation are the Mari? The Mari are the only people in Europe who have preserved paganism - HALAN

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Most of our ideas about gypsy culture are true. They really adore bright decorations and pretentiousness, and they do not skimp on emotions: if there is a wedding, so that the whole world will know, if there is a quarrel, so that several future generations will not talk to each other.

Modern communities of, say, American gypsies look a little different than we might imagine: women are not necessarily dressed in long colorful skirts and scarves. However, there is something that all members of the community strictly follow.

For example, it is very rare for a gypsy to receive an education. We are in website They were quite surprised by this and decided to find out about other rules of behavior that gypsy girls should follow.

Marriage traditions

The gypsies sacredly honor their culture, and an outsider who claims the hand of a gypsy is called a Gorger - that is, one who does not belong to their community and is not a gypsy. Girls mostly find love among the community, with rare exceptions. The desire to preserve one's own culture is so great that marriages between cousins and sisters are not uncommon here.

A girl must marry as a virgin. What happens to a gypsy who does not preserve her virginity until marriage? She is considered dirty and has polluted the community. By doing this, she risks being left broke: not a single gypsy man would go against the rules of the community by marrying her after she gave herself to another.

By the way, the average age of marriage is 16–17 years for girls and 18–19 years for boys, and this marriage, according to tradition, should last a lifetime. A gypsy woman who is married may not even think about divorce. In the Roma community, remarriages are not encouraged, and in order not to “desecrate” the community, a woman can only enter into one marriage for the rest of her life.

It is extremely rare for women to separate from their husbands. And, as a rule, they no longer enter into new relationships. In the eyes of the community, this casts a shadow not only on her, but also on her daughters.

Submission to parents

A girl growing up in a gypsy community is surrounded by rules dictated by her parents from an early age. Of course, such a system is present in most other cultures, but in Gypsy culture, parents (and especially the father) have enormous authority, and the daughter is obliged to do what she is told. As she gets older, she is allowed to leave the house only when accompanied by family members (and these do not have to be her parents - sisters, brothers, aunts and uncles can accompany the gypsy).

For the same reason, parents often choose a husband for their daughter without relying on her opinion. Arranged marriages are not uncommon among Roma. And after the parents marry the gypsy, she will be obliged to honor and obey her husband in the same way as her parents.

Boys have much more freedom in this regard - they can leave the house alone, choose their own bride, etc.

You can't call the police

As a rule, gypsies sort out their affairs loudly and noisily, often rushing into fights with representatives of a hostile family. And this is also part of their traditions. However, all problems are resolved within families, without involving the law. It is not in their rules to sue or call the police: the gypsies would rather come in a crowd to the house of their rivals or start a showdown at a wedding. IN worst case the family will disown the one who calls the police for a showdown. Any person in the Roma community must know that doing so is against the rules. Men accept this, but some girls still try to call their raging relatives to order with the help of the law.

We'll have to put up with violence

The statistics of domestic violence in Roma communities are incredibly high. A study in England found that 61% of married Roma women in England experience violence from their spouse. Women are forced to put up with this. Gypsy Sisters contestant Mellie says that one day ex-husband locked her in a trailer, and when she managed to get out, he hit her several times. The girl's family convinced her to take the man back. The girl explains why this is so: “This is a gypsy tradition, and it must be honored.”

Keep the house clean

If in most countries a woman can afford not to be a housewife and sometimes be lazy about cleaning, then for a gypsy this is unforgivable. Hygiene plays an important role in Roma culture, and it is the woman who is responsible for keeping the house clean. She must follow several rules, in particular not to share her dishes or cutlery with anyone, including her husband. All utensils are washed several times: under running water, in a separate bowl with boiling water and again under running water.

Men's and women's clothing should be washed separately. The upper part of the body is considered clean, while the lower part is considered dirty, so clothes “up to the waist” and “below the waist” are washed separately from each other. And of course, underwear is also subject to personal washing.

Pregnancy is a special period

Pregnant woman should not make physical contact with anyone. At this time, she does not even sleep in the same bed with her husband. Accept water procedures Refers only to consecrated water. In addition, a gypsy woman carrying a child is exempt from household duties: during this period, her husband prepares food and keeps the house clean.

American gypsies, however, sometimes neglect this rule - their women are more independent.

Wear bright and provocative clothes

Despite the fact that a gypsy woman’s behavior should be chaste, her outfit should scream the opposite. Thus, she can attract the attention of her future husband without making any effort (because a gypsy girl cannot meet guys first). The most striking example of this behavior is the American gypsies, who dress up every day as if for a holiday. And if there is a wedding or birthday planned, are coming the most spectacular jewelry and the most luxurious dresses.

You can't go up to the 2nd floor

Photographer Evgeny Domansky captured how the male and female parts of a camp of Kotlyar gypsies enter the bus through different doors so as not to touch.

In Gypsy culture, the concept of “filth” is still widespread, which is directly related to the fact that the lower part of the body is considered dirty. This does not apply to girls and virgin girls, but a mature married woman is considered “unclean” from the waist down, and to touch her skirt or shoes means to be “defiled.” Because of this, if a family lives in a 2-story house, a woman was forbidden to go up to the 2nd floor - only children and young girls were allowed there. But in some gypsy houses there is a garage on the 1st floor, so the woman automatically ended up on the 2nd. Other gypsies say about the people living in such houses that they have become “foul.” For the same reason, because of “filth,” women sit separately from men during the feast.

Guests for men and women also come separately

Among the Kotlyar gypsies, it is customary that a married woman can only wear a skirt. Kirill Kozhanov says that unmarried girls from Kotlyarka often wear jeans, and after marriage they can put on a skirt right over them.

Definitely some features gypsy life outdated. Not only that, they are also quite cruel to the girl. What do you know about any other similar traditions in other countries?

We all know that true beauty- this is the light in the heart, but today appearance is much more relevant. The very concept of beauty in the 21st century has been devalued due to the abundance of beauty salons, the availability of various plastic procedures and Photoshop. You don’t have to be born a beauty, you can become one.

However, some peoples still value true natural beauty. We are also talking about gypsies. The most beautiful gypsy will compare favorably with modern beauties from the catwalks, at least with her sincerity, natural grace, bright, clear eyes and tenderness.

Gypsies are a free people

There are several hypotheses about where the free gypsy people came from. In each country they are called differently: the British call them people from the Egyptian civilization, the French call them Bohemians, the Finns and Estonians call them “blacks.” There are many representatives of this nation living all over the world. Their vibrant, diverse, rich culture is associated with this.

The most important thing for Roma is continuity and commitment to their traditions, which are fully expressed in belonging to their people. In case of terrible crimes, the gypsy is expelled from the clan, and this is truly the most cruel punishment for each of them. And, conversely, if a gypsy calls another person who does not belong to his people a gypsy, then this is considered the highest compliment.

Gypsies love children very much, considering them a reward and highest value. It is their tradition to pick up street children and adopt children in need of a home. This is where the myths come from that they steal children. For gypsies there is a cult of family and a cult of mother. They greatly respect family values, choosing a life partner once and for all, thereby standing out favorably in the “civilized” world.

The most beautiful gypsy - what should she be like?

The concept of beauty for gypsies is very different from modern Western European ideals. Since the area below the waist among gypsies is considered to be “bad” (dirty, unclean), all this should be covered down to the toes. For this reason, women wear long, floor-length skirts, usually full and bright (such is the gypsy soul). Their fashion is simple: whatever they found cheaper, they made an outfit out of it. Nevertheless, gypsies have always attracted attention with their beauty. Just remember the famous Esmeralda: thin, fragile, tender, with huge black eyes and lush hair, she attracted the gaze of all the inhabitants of the “court of miracles”.

The criteria for gypsy beauty can be gleaned not only from fiction contemporaries, but also from songs, legends, ballads, fairy tales. Thus, the most beautiful gypsy will have a characteristic face: it is beautiful, cheerful, gentle, bright with huge clear “diamond” eyes. Hair should be long and lush, thick. The body is flexible, slender, beautifully writhing in dance.

Modern world beauty standards

Today's beauty is distinguished by the fact that it is not given from birth, but is acquired in the world of “beauty blogging” and It doesn’t matter at all what a girl’s natural advantages are, what matters is what she managed to achieve with the help of makeup, beauty salons, Photoshop, and sometimes surgical improvements. Today, grooming and a sense of ideal taste are much more important than beautiful eyes and slender legs. And yet, some criteria of beauty are still alive.

A healthy, delicate complexion with moderate blush and light is in fashion. Thick, lush natural eyebrows have become the main beauty cult of our century. You can even grow your eyebrows: the procedure is not cheap and, frankly speaking, not pleasant. Feminine figures have returned to fashion, anorexia is no longer beautiful (and was it ever?).

How to choose the most beautiful gypsy?

The free people themselves would be offended and bewildered by such a question, but since the modern world is constantly striving for ratings and charts, it is worth taking a closer look at this question. Of course, there are thousands of beautiful gypsies in the world, young and older. But in this case it is possible to evaluate beauty only on the basis of famous representatives of the free people. Choosing a photo of the most beautiful gypsy is not an easy task.

There are a million beautiful photographs of gypsies on the Internet. There are also many representatives of free people in the world of cinema and television. Let's take a closer look at some of them.

Rita Hayworth

Oddly enough, one of the most beautiful gypsies in the world can be called Famous actress, a model and dancer, has gypsy roots, as Rita’s father is a flamenco dancer from Seville, Spain. The pristine beauty and gypsy grace inherited from her father turned Rita not only into an outstanding dancer, but also subsequently into Hollywood diva and an actress. The whole world fell in love with the star for her luxurious curls, huge black eyes and gentle

Rita played in more than 60 films, most of them being the main roles of the star. She was never nominated for an Oscar, but became a real people's favorite and a true symbol of the cinema of her time. The image of Rita is often mentioned in films and literature.

True beauty comes from the heart, and Rita Hayworth is proof of this. She is not only the most beautiful gypsy in the world, but also a bright decoration in the history of cinema.

Soledad Miranda

Spanish women are known all over the world for their beauty, brightness and sexuality. Tender Soledad Rendon Bueno is the most beautiful gypsy in Spain. The name translates as "loneliness". It is with Portuguese and Gypsy roots. The national blood began to flow early in the young beauty, and the girl began her career as a flamenco dancer at the age of eight. Then the girl tried herself in music and cinema, where she was also very successful.

However, the violent spirit of the free people did its job: Soledad married a racer. A few years later, the actress died tragically in a car accident. She was 27 years old. Such tragic death had an impact not only on the girl’s family, but also on Spanish cinema of that time: everyone mourned the star.

Despite the fact that the actress took part in only a dozen films, she became a legend and symbol for her followers. The girl is truly incredibly beautiful, and this is how she remains in everyone’s memory: forever young and beautiful!

Diana Savelyeva

Diana Savelyeva can rightfully be called the most beautiful gypsy in Russia. Diana - Russian actress and a singer, winner of many honorary awards. The actress is known to the average person for leading role the same Esmeralda in the musical Notre Dame de Paris, where she shone not only with beauty, but also with incredible talent, the voice of a pipe and the grace of a gypsy. It's not surprising that a little later an actress was invited to the musical “Monte Cristo” to play the role of Hyde, where she continued to amaze the viewer with her talent and beauty.

The beauty studied her art not only in a bright gypsy family, but also in the capital's GITIS. Today, the popular actress tours around the world, writes romances and music herself, appears in music videos and continues to improve in the field of art.

"And in the end I will tell…"

And who are they, representatives of the Muslim religion - the most beautiful gypsies? Ogly is the self-name of gypsies who profess Islam. Here you can name Rada Matvienko, an actress and singer from Kazakhstan. She often performs songs in her national language.

True beauty cannot be measured or touched; it cannot be felt or appreciated. It always comes from within. Gypsies to this day, preserving and carrying through generations the traditions of their ancestors, are rightfully considered one of the brightest and most beautiful peoples in the world. Thus, Lyalya Zhemchuzhnaya (Romen Theater) is a recognized beauty of Russian cinema. Her sparkling eyes, graceful curves, gentle dances, alluring hair and philosophical sad songs fascinate everyone.

You can have different attitudes towards the Gypsy people, but it is impossible not to respect their age-old traditions and natural beauty!

Gypsies can now be found in all corners of the planet, except perhaps Antarctica. In European countries alone their number is 12 million. I suggest you find out 11 national habits and the characteristics of the gypsies, some of which will greatly surprise you.

"Gypsies" is a collective term, the same as "Slavs", "Caucasians", "Scandinavians" or "Latin Americans". Several dozen nationalities belong to the gypsies. In many regions of Russia you can still find gypsy camps, they smell of Pushkin's Bessarabia, their language is a rough verbal lump, and their clothes are an endless holiday.

A 14-year-old girl for gypsies is already a potential bride. At weddings and other celebrations where you can dance, all girls over 14 years old will dance until the very end of the celebration, because they know that fathers of sons this moment look closely and evaluate them. An unmarried gypsy 19 years old is already an old maid.

On her wedding day, the bride is redeemed in kilograms or “in jars” of gold. The bride's father or brothers, if there is no father, set the price themselves, for example two three-liter jars filled with gold rings, chains, etc.

On the wedding day, gypsies have one exciting moment for everyone, when the older women of the family take the bride into the bedroom and check whether she is a virgin or not. Actually, deflowering takes place right there, behind closed doors - without any participation of the groom. Afterwards, the guests are shown a snow-white sheet or shirt with a blood stain on a beautiful large tray.

For example, there is unlikely to be a wedding between Kotlyars and Russian gypsies, since this is tantamount to a wedding with a non-gypsy. The gypsies of one state see the gypsies of another state as a special people and never maintain contact. Russian gypsies are mostly Orthodox, Crimean and Palestinian are Muslim, Croatian are Catholic.

A gypsy family must have at least one son. If an heir is not born, then they no longer take risks and take a boy from the orphanage. Moreover, the child can be anyone: Bashkir, Russian, red-haired, freckled, fair-haired, blue-eyed. This is partly the reason for the myth that gypsies kidnap children.

A child is most often sent to school so that he learns to read, write and count, since from the age of six to eight children are accustomed to adulthood - they begin to help their parents in trade. Therefore if gypsy child after the third grade he still goes to school for lessons, and does not help his parents in the market, which means he is wasting his time instead of learning the family business.

If a gypsy has a two-story house, no woman can climb to the second floor if a man is on the first. This law is still observed today.

Women still wear two skirts and an apron. Below the waist, a woman is considered to be “dirty” and “unclean.” The touch of her skirt can “desecrate” not only any object, but also a person. Therefore, the underskirt is considered unclean, since it touches the woman, and the second one is also considered unclean, since it is still slightly soiled by the lower one. Only the apron is considered clean. You can touch it, lean dishes against it, wipe your hands on it.

They have an internal court

In the event of a dispute, respected gypsies gather to listen to the parties' arguments for and against. The gypsies have it important point settlement of relations, and it is not subject to publicity. Punishments can be very different. One of the most serious ones was “they gave me 24”. The guilty gypsy is forced to leave the community and is given 24 hours to do so.

Gypsies use special hypnotic methods of influencing the psyche of people. Researchers attribute this phenomenon to the most ancient methods of manipulation.

The main secret of the success of “gypsy hypnosis” lies in a continuous stream of speech, the main purpose of which is to overload the consciousness of the subject.

Under influence this kind processing, a person loses the ability to think sensibly and analyze the situation. In this state, he is more easily susceptible to suggestion and outside influence.

Every manipulator knows: it is much easier to control a person if he considers himself an unworthy nonentity, and you - an honest and noble sage.
Fritz Morgen

Gypsy manipulation strategy

Setting up a contact

In order to inspire trust, gypsies, as a rule, “mirror” their interlocutor: they completely repeat all his gestures, movements, facial expressions, timbre of speech, and even reproduce a special breathing rhythm.

In addition, the hypnotist can use such forms of influence as: fear, exposure to a sharp sound, a sudden change in body position, etc. Of course, this is an important factor that allows the gypsies to take control of a person’s consciousness for some time.

Establishing trusting contact allows gypsies to influence a person on a subconscious level. Experienced hypnotists are very careful, they try not to openly put pressure on the interlocutor, thereby showing that they are not going to impose their will on others (although, in fact, this is the main goal).

WikiHelp:
Gypsies are one of the largest ethnic minorities in Europe, a layer ethnic population of common Indian origin.

Maintaining attention

Having found a weak spot (selfish interest) in a person’s “armor,” the hypnotist begins to do his job.

After you have successfully entered the object into special condition, the manipulator gives a specific command.

True professionals in their field know: key phrases will be better perceived by a person if they are uttered at a moment when a person experiences strong emotions (laughs, cries, etc.).

Mind manipulation

Gypsies can accurately determine the characteristics of a person’s internal perception, so it is easy for them to calculate further tactics for working with the object.

The main goal of gypsy manipulators– distract a person’s attention and narrow his field of perception to a minimum. Thus, only a certain area of ​​the brain is affected, which begins to control other areas.

Gypsies can accurately determine whether hypnosis has worked or not by the following signs:

• Blurred look.
  Dilated pupils.
  Slowing down movements and breathing.
  A person's face may become very red or, conversely, pale.
  A person's facial expressions change.

  People may have individual reactions, so the symptoms of falling into a trance may be different (rapid heartbeat, blinking, trembling limbs, etc.).

  As soon as the gypsies notice that a person’s consciousness is clouded and all external signs indicate that the will of the target is completely suppressed, the manipulators begin to insert special code words and expressions into speech.

  As a result, a person’s behavior ceases to be adequate; he may begin to perceive the scammer as a relative and voluntarily give away all valuables.

  Origin of the Mari people

  Question about origin Mari people is still controversial. For the first time, a scientifically substantiated theory of the ethnogenesis of the Mari was expressed in 1845 by the famous Finnish linguist M. Castren. He tried to identify the Mari with the chronicle measures. This point of view was supported and developed by T.S. Semenov, I.N. Smirnov, S.K. Kuznetsov, A.A. Spitsyn, D.K. Zelenin, M.N. Yantemir, F.E. Egorov and many others researchers II half of the 19th century– I half of the 20th century. A new hypothesis was made in 1949 by the prominent Soviet archaeologist A.P. Smirnov, who came to the conclusion about the Gorodets (close to the Mordovians) basis; other archaeologists O.N. Bader and V.F. Gening at the same time defended the thesis about Dyakovsky (close to measure) origin of the Mari. Nevertheless, archaeologists were already able to convincingly prove that the Merya and Mari, although related to each other, are not the same people. At the end of the 1950s, when the permanent Mari archaeological expedition began to operate, its leaders A.Kh. Khalikov and G.A. Arkhipov developed a theory about the mixed Gorodets-Azelinsky (Volga-Finnish-Permian) basis of the Mari people. Subsequently, G.A. Arkhipov, developing this hypothesis further, during the discovery and study of new archaeological sites, proved that the mixed basis of the Mari was dominated by the Gorodets-Dyakovo (Volga-Finnish) component and the formation of the Mari ethnos, which began in the first half of the 1st millennium AD , generally ended in the 9th – 11th centuries, and even then the Mari ethnos began to be divided into two main groups - the mountain and meadow Mari (the latter, compared to the former, were more strongly influenced by the Azelin (Perm-speaking) tribes). This theory is generally supported by the majority of archaeological scientists working on this problem. Mari archaeologist V.S. Patrushev put forward a different assumption, according to which the formation of the ethnic foundations of the Mari, as well as the Meri and Muroms, took place on the basis of the Akhmylov-type population. Linguists (I.S. Galkin, D.E. Kazantsev), who rely on language data, believe that the territory of formation of the Mari people should be sought not in the Vetluzh-Vyatka interfluve, as archaeologists believe, but to the southwest, between the Oka and Suroy. Scientist-archaeologist T.B. Nikitina, taking into account data not only from archeology, but also from linguistics, came to the conclusion that the ancestral home of the Mari is located in the Volga part of the Oka-Sura interfluve and in Povetluzhie, and the advance to the east, to Vyatka, occurred in VIII - XI centuries, during which contact and mixing took place with the Azelin (Perm-speaking) tribes.

  The question of the origin of the ethnonyms “Mari” and “Cheremis” also remains complex and unclear. The meaning of the word “Mari”, the self-name of the Mari people, is derived by many linguists from the Indo-European term “mar”, “mer” in various sound variations (translated as “man”, “husband”). The word “Cheremis” (as the Russians called the Mari, and in a slightly different, but phonetically similar vowel, many other peoples) has a large number different interpretations. The first written mention of this ethnonym (in the original “ts-r-mis”) is found in a letter from the Khazar Kagan Joseph to the dignitary of the Cordoba Caliph Hasdai ibn-Shaprut (960s). D.E. Kazantsev, following the historian of the 19th century. G.I. Peretyatkovich came to the conclusion that the name “Cheremis” was given to the Mari by the Mordovian tribes, and translated this word means “a person living on the sunny side, in the east.” According to I.G. Ivanov, “Cheremis” is “a person from the Chera or Chora tribe,” in other words, neighboring peoples subsequently extended the name of one of the Mari tribes to the entire ethnic group. The version of the Mari local historians of the 1920s and early 1930s, F.E. Egorov and M.N. Yantemir, is widely popular, who suggested that this ethnonym goes back to the Turkic term “warlike person.” F.I. Gordeev, as well as I.S. Galkin, who supported his version, defend the hypothesis about the origin of the word “Cheremis” from the ethnonym “Sarmatian” through the mediation of Turkic languages. A number of other versions were also expressed. The problem of the etymology of the word “Cheremis” is further complicated by the fact that in the Middle Ages (up to the 17th – 18th centuries) this was the name in a number of cases not only for the Mari, but also for their neighbors – the Chuvash and Udmurts.

  Mari in the 9th – 11th centuries.

  In the 9th – 11th centuries. In general, the formation of the Mari ethnic group was completed. At the time in questionMarisettled over a vast territory within the Middle Volga region: south of the Vetluga and Yuga watershed and the Pizhma River; north of the Piana River, the upper reaches of Tsivil; east of the Unzha River, the mouth of the Oka; west of Ileti and the mouth of the Kilmezi River.

  Farm Mari was complex (agriculture, cattle breeding, hunting, fishing, gathering, beekeeping, crafts and other activities related to the processing of raw materials at home). Direct evidence of the widespread spread of agriculture in Mari no, there is only indirect evidence indicating the development of slash-and-burn agriculture among them, and there is reason to believe that in the 11th century. the transition to arable farming began.
  Mari in the 9th – 11th centuries. almost all grains, legumes and industrial crops cultivated in the forest belt of Eastern Europe at the present time were known. Swidden farming was combined with cattle breeding; Stall housing of livestock in combination with free grazing predominated (mainly the same types of domestic animals and birds were bred as now).
  Hunting was a significant help in the economy Mari, while in the 9th – 11th centuries. fur production began to have a commercial character. Hunting tools were bows and arrows; various traps, snares and snares were used.
  Mari the population was engaged in fishing (near rivers and lakes), accordingly, river navigation developed, while natural conditions (dense network of rivers, difficult forest and swampy terrain) dictated the priority development of river rather than land routes of communication.
  Fishing, as well as gathering (primarily forest products) were focused exclusively on domestic consumption. Significant spread and development in Mari beekeeping was introduced; they even put signs of ownership on the bean trees - “tiste”. Along with furs, honey was the main item of Mari export.
  U Mari there were no cities, only village crafts were developed. Metallurgy, due to the lack of a local raw material base, developed through the processing of imported semi-finished and finished products. Nevertheless, blacksmithing in the 9th – 11th centuries. at Mari had already emerged as a special specialty, while non-ferrous metallurgy (mainly blacksmithing and jewelry - making copper, bronze, and silver jewelry) was predominantly carried out by women.
  The production of clothing, shoes, utensils, and some types of agricultural implements was carried out on each farm in the time free from agriculture and livestock raising. Weaving and leatherworking were in first place among the domestic industries. Flax and hemp were used as raw materials for weaving. The most common leather product was shoes.

  In the 9th – 11th centuries. Mari conducted barter trade with neighboring peoples - the Udmurts, Meryas, Vesya, Mordovians, Muroma, Meshchera and other Finno-Ugric tribes. Trade relations with the Bulgars and Khazars, who were at a relatively high level of development, went beyond natural exchange; there were elements of commodity-money relations (many Arab dirhams were found in the ancient Mari burial grounds of that time). In the area where they lived Mari, the Bulgars even founded trading posts like the Mari-Lugovsky settlement. The greatest activity of Bulgarian merchants occurred at the end of the 10th - beginning of the 11th centuries. There are no clear signs of close and regular connections between the Mari and the Eastern Slavs in the 9th – 11th centuries. not yet discovered, things of Slavic-Russian origin in the Mari archaeological sites of that time are rare.

  Based on the totality of available information, it is difficult to judge the nature of contacts Mari in the 9th – 11th centuries. with their Volga-Finnish neighbors - Merya, Meshchera, Mordovians, Muroma. However, according to numerous folklore works strained relations Mari developed with the Udmurts: as a result of a number of battles and minor skirmishes, the latter were forced to leave the Vetluga-Vyatka interfluve, retreating east, to the left bank of the Vyatka. At the same time, among the available archaeological material there are no traces of armed conflicts between Mari and the Udmurts were not found.

  Relationship Mari with the Volga Bulgars, apparently, they were not limited to trade. At least part of the Mari population, bordering the Volga-Kama Bulgaria, paid tribute to this country (kharaj) - initially as a vassal-intermediary of the Khazar Kagan (it is known that in the 10th century both Bulgars and Mari- ts-r-mis - were subjects of Kagan Joseph, however, the former were in a more privileged position as part of the Khazar Kaganate), then as an independent state and a kind of legal successor to the Kaganate.

  The Mari and their neighbors in the 12th – early 13th centuries.

  From the 12th century in some Mari lands the transition to fallow farming begins. Funeral rites were unifiedMari, cremation has disappeared. If previously in useMarimen often encountered swords and spears, but now they have been replaced everywhere by bows, arrows, axes, knives and others types of lung edged weapons. Perhaps this was due to the fact that the new neighborsMarithere were more numerous, better armed and organized peoples (Slavic-Russians, Bulgars), with whom it was possible to fight only by partisan methods.

  XII – early XIII centuries. were marked by a noticeable growth of the Slavic-Russian and the decline of the Bulgar influence on Mari(especially in Povetluzhie). At this time, Russian settlers appeared in the area between the Unzha and Vetluga rivers (Gorodets Radilov, first mentioned in chronicles in 1171, settlements and settlements on Uzol, Linda, Vezlom, Vatom), where settlements were still found Mari and eastern Merya, as well as in the Upper and Middle Vyatka (the cities of Khlynov, Kotelnich, settlements on Pizhma) - on the Udmurt and Mari lands.
  Settlement area Mari, compared with the 9th – 11th centuries, did not undergo significant changes, however, its gradual shift to the east continued, which was largely due to the advance from the west of the Slavic-Russian tribes and the Slavicizing Finno-Ugric peoples (primarily the Merya) and, possibly , the ongoing Mari-Udmurt confrontation. The movement of the Meryan tribes to the east took place in small families or their groups, and the settlers who reached Povetluga most likely mixed with related Mari tribes, completely dissolving in this environment.

  Under strong Slavic-Russian influence (obviously, through the mediation of the Meryan tribes) material culture Mari. In particular, according to archaeological research, instead of traditional local molded ceramics comes dishes made on a potter's wheel (Slavic and “Slavonic” ceramics); under Slavic influence, the appearance of Mari jewelry, household items, and tools changed. At the same time, among the Mari antiquities XII - beginning of XIII centuries there are much fewer Bulgarian things.

  No later than the beginning of the 12th century. The inclusion of the Mari lands into the system of ancient Russian statehood begins. According to the Tale of Bygone Years and the Tale of the Destruction of the Russian Land, the Cheremis (probably the western groups of the Mari population) were already paying tribute to the Russian princes. In 1120, after a series of Bulgar attacks on Russian cities in Volga-Ochye, which took place in the second half of the 11th century, a series of retaliatory campaigns began by the Vladimir-Suzdal princes and their allies from other Russian principalities. The Russian-Bulgar conflict, as is commonly believed, flared up due to the collection of tribute from the local population, and in this struggle the advantage steadily leaned towards the feudal lords of North-Eastern Rus'. Reliable information about direct participation Mari in the Russian-Bulgar wars, no, although the troops of both warring sides repeatedly passed through the Mari lands.

  Mari as part of the Golden Horde

  In 1236 - 1242 Eastern Europe was subjected to a powerful Mongol-Tatar invasion, a significant part of it, including the entire Volga region, came under the rule of the conquerors. At the same time, the BulgarsMari, Mordovians and other peoples of the Middle Volga region were included in the Ulus of Jochi or Golden Horde, an empire founded by Batu Khan. Written sources do not report a direct invasion of the Mongol-Tatars in the 30s and 40s. XIII century to the territory where they livedMari. Most likely, the invasion affected the Mari settlements located near the areas that suffered the most severe devastation (Volga-Kama Bulgaria, Mordovia) - these are the Right Bank of the Volga and the left bank Mari lands adjacent to Bulgaria.

  Mari submitted to the Golden Horde through the Bulgar feudal lords and khan's darugs. The bulk of the population was divided into administrative-territorial and tax-paying units - uluses, hundreds and tens, which were led by centurions and foremen - representatives of the local nobility - accountable to the khan's administration. Mari, like many other peoples subject to the Golden Horde Khan, had to pay yasak, a number of other taxes, and bear various duties, including military. They mainly supplied furs, honey, and wax. At the same time, the Mari lands were located on the forested northwestern periphery of the empire, far from the steppe zone; it did not have a developed economy, so strict military and police control was not established here, and in the most inaccessible and remote area - in Povetluzhye and the adjacent territory - the power of the khan was only nominal.

  This circumstance contributed to the continuation of Russian colonization of the Mari lands. More Russian settlements appeared in Pizhma and Middle Vyatka, the development of Povetluzhye, the Oka-Sura interfluve, and then Lower Sura began. In Povetluzhie Russian influence was especially strong. Judging by the “Vetluga Chronicler” and other Trans-Volga Russian chronicles of late origin, many local semi-mythical princes (Kuguz) (Kai, Kodzha-Yaraltem, Bai-Boroda, Keldibek) were baptized, were in vassal dependence on the Galician princes, sometimes concluding military wars against them alliances with the Golden Horde. Apparently, a similar situation was in Vyatka, where contacts between the local Mari population and the Vyatka Land and the Golden Horde developed.
  The strong influence of both the Russians and the Bulgars was felt in the Volga region, especially in its mountainous part (in the Malo-Sundyrskoye settlement, Yulyalsky, Noselskoye, Krasnoselishchenskoye settlements). However, here Russian influence gradually grew, and the Bulgar-Golden Horde weakened. By the beginning of the 15th century. the interfluve of the Volga and Sura actually became part of the Moscow Grand Duchy (before that - Nizhny Novgorod), back in 1374 the Kurmysh fortress was founded on the Lower Sura. Relations between the Russians and the Mari were complex: peaceful contacts were combined with periods of war (mutual raids, campaigns of Russian princes against Bulgaria through the Mari lands from the 70s of the 14th century, attacks by the Ushkuiniks in the second half of the 14th - early 15th centuries, participation of the Mari in military actions of the Golden Horde against Rus', for example, in the Battle of Kulikovo).

  Mass relocations continued Mari. As a result of the Mongol-Tatar invasion and subsequent raids by steppe warriors, many Mari, who lived on the right bank of the Volga, moved to the safer left bank. At the end of the XIV - beginning of the XV centuries. The left-bank Mari, who lived in the basin of the Mesha, Kazanka, and Ashit rivers, were forced to move to more northern regions and to the east, since the Kama Bulgars rushed here, fleeing the troops of Timur (Tamerlane), then from the Nogai warriors. The eastern direction of the resettlement of the Mari in the 14th – 15th centuries. was also due to Russian colonization. Assimilation processes also took place in the zone of contact between the Mari and the Russians and Bulgaro-Tatars.

  Economic and socio-political situation of the Mari as part of the Kazan Khanate

  The Kazan Khanate arose during the collapse of the Golden Horde - as a result of the appearance in the 30s and 40s. XV century in the Middle Volga region, the Golden Horde Khan Ulu-Muhammad, his court and combat-ready troops, who together played the role of a powerful catalyst in the consolidation of the local population and the creation of a state entity equivalent to the still decentralized Rus'.

  Mari were not included in the Kazan Khanate by force; dependence on Kazan arose due to the desire to prevent armed struggle with the aim of jointly opposing the Russian state and, in accordance with the established tradition, paying tribute to the Bulgar and Golden Horde government officials. Allied, confederal relations were established between the Mari and the Kazan government. At the same time, there were noticeable differences in the position of the mountain, meadow and northwestern Mari within the Khanate.

  At the main part Mari the economy was complex, with a developed agricultural basis. Only in the northwestern Mari Due to natural conditions (they lived in an area of ​​almost continuous swamps and forests), agriculture played a secondary role compared to forestry and cattle breeding. In general, the main features of the economic life of the Mari in the 15th – 16th centuries. have not undergone significant changes compared to the previous time.

  Mountain Mari, who, like the Chuvash, Eastern Mordovians and Sviyazhsk Tatars, lived on the Mountain side of the Kazan Khanate, stood out for their active participation in contacts with the Russian population, the relative weakness of ties with the central regions of the Khanate, from which they were separated by the large Volga River. At the same time, the Mountain Side was under fairly strict military and police control, which was due to high level its economic development, an intermediate position between the Russian lands and Kazan, the growth of Russian influence in this part of the Khanate. The Right Bank (due to its special strategic position and high economic development) was invaded somewhat more often by foreign troops - not only Russian warriors, but also steppe warriors. The situation of the mountain people was complicated by the presence of main water and land roads to Rus' and the Crimea, since permanent conscription was very heavy and burdensome.

  Meadow Mari unlike the mountain ones, they did not have close and regular contacts with the Russian state; they were more connected with Kazan and the Kazan Tatars in political, economic, culturally. According to the level of their economic development, meadows Mari were not inferior to the mountain ones. Moreover, the economy of the Left Bank on the eve of the fall of Kazan developed in a relatively stable, calm and less harsh military-political environment, therefore contemporaries (A.M. Kurbsky, author of “Kazan History”) describe the well-being of the population of the Lugovaya and especially the Arsk side most enthusiastically and colorfully. The amounts of taxes paid by the population of the Mountain and Meadow sides also did not differ much. If on the Mountain Side the burden of regular service was felt more strongly, then on Lugovaya - construction: it was the population of the Left Bank who erected and maintained in proper condition the powerful fortifications of Kazan, Arsk, various forts, and abatis.

  Northwestern (Vetluga and Kokshay) Mari were relatively weakly drawn into the orbit of the khan’s power due to their distance from the center and due to relatively low economic development; at the same time, the Kazan government, fearing Russian military campaigns from the north (from Vyatka) and north-west (from Galich and Ustyug), sought allied relations with the Vetluga, Kokshai, Pizhansky, Yaran Mari leaders, who also saw benefits in supporting the aggressive actions of the Tatars in relation to the outlying Russian lands.

  "Military democracy" of the medieval Mari.

  In the XV - XVI centuries. Mari, like other peoples of the Kazan Khanate, except for the Tatars, were at a transitional stage of development of society from primitive to early feudal. On the one hand, there was a separation within the framework of the land-kinship union ( neighboring community) individual-family property, parcel labor flourished, property differentiation grew, and on the other hand, the class structure of society did not acquire its clear outlines.

  Mari patriarchal families were united into patronymic groups (nasyl, tukym, urlyk), and those into larger land unions (tiste). Their unity was based not on consanguineous ties, but on the principle of neighborhood, and, to a lesser extent, on economic ties, which were expressed in various kinds of mutual “help” (“voma”), joint ownership of common lands. Land unions were, among other things, unions of mutual military assistance. Perhaps the Tiste were territorially compatible with the hundreds and uluses of the Kazan Khanate period. Hundreds, uluses, and dozens were led by centurions or centurion princes (“shÿdövuy”, “puddle”), foremen (“luvuy”). The centurions appropriated for themselves some part of the yasak they collected in favor of the khan's treasury from subordinate ordinary community members, but at the same time they enjoyed authority among them as smart and courageous people, as skillful organizers and military leaders. Centurions and foremen in the 15th – 16th centuries. They had not yet managed to break with primitive democracy, but at the same time the power of the representatives of the nobility increasingly acquired a hereditary character.

  The feudalization of Mari society accelerated thanks to the Turkic-Mari synthesis. In relation to the Kazan Khanate, ordinary community members acted as a feudal-dependent population (in fact, they were personally free people and were part of a kind of semi-service class), and the nobility - as service vassals. Among the Mari, representatives of the nobility began to stand out as a special military class - Mamichi (imildashi), bogatyrs (batyrs), who probably already had some relation to the feudal hierarchy of the Kazan Khanate; on the lands with the Mari population, feudal estates began to appear - belyaki (administrative tax districts given by the Kazan khans as a reward for service with the right to collect yasak from land and various fishing grounds that were in the collective use of the Mari population).

  The dominance of military-democratic orders in medieval Mari society was the environment where the immanent impulses for raids were laid. War, which was once waged only to avenge attacks or to expand territory, now becomes a permanent trade. The property stratification of ordinary community members, whose economic activities were hampered by insufficiently favorable natural conditions and the low level of development of productive forces, led to the fact that many of them began to increasingly turn outside their community in search of means to satisfy their material needs and in an effort to raise their status in society. The feudalized nobility, which gravitated towards a further increase in wealth and its socio-political weight, also sought to find new sources of enrichment and strengthening of its power outside the community. As a result, solidarity arose between two different layers of community members, between whom a “military alliance” was formed for the purpose of expansion. Therefore, the power of the Mari “princes,” along with the interests of the nobility, still continued to reflect general tribal interests.

  The greatest activity in raids among all groups of the Mari population was shown by the northwestern Mari. This was due to their relative low level socio-economic development. Meadow and mountain Mari those engaged in agricultural labor took a less active part in military campaigns, moreover, the local proto-feudal elite had other ways than the military to strengthen their power and further enrich themselves (primarily through strengthening ties with Kazan)

  Annexation of the Mountain Mari to the Russian State

  Entry Mariinto the Russian state was a multi-stage process, and the first to be annexed were the mountainousMari. Together with the rest of the population of the Mountain Side, they were interested in peaceful relations with the Russian state, while in the spring of 1545 a series of large campaigns of Russian troops against Kazan began. At the end of 1546, the mountain people (Tugai, Atachik) attempted to establish a military alliance with Russia and, together with political emigrants from among the Kazan feudal lords, sought the overthrow of Khan Safa-Girey and the installation of the Moscow vassal Shah-Ali on the throne, thereby preventing new invasions Russian troops and put an end to the oppressive pro-Crimean internal politics khan. However, Moscow at this time had already set a course for the final annexation of the Khanate - Ivan IV was crowned king (this indicates that the Russian sovereign was putting forward his claim to the Kazan throne and other residences of the Golden Horde kings). Nevertheless, the Moscow government failed to take advantage of the successful rebellion of the Kazan feudal lords led by Prince Kadysh against Safa-Girey, and the help offered by the mountain people was rejected by the Russian governors. The mountainous side continued to be considered by Moscow as enemy territory even after the winter of 1546/47. (campaigns to Kazan in the winter of 1547/48 and in the winter of 1549/50).

  By 1551, a plan had matured in Moscow government circles to annex the Kazan Khanate to Russia, which provided for the separation of the Mountain Side and its subsequent transformation into a support base for the capture of the rest of the Khanate. In the summer of 1551, when a powerful military outpost was erected at the mouth of Sviyaga (Sviyazhsk fortress), it was possible to annex the Mountain Side to the Russian state.

  Reasons for the inclusion of mountain Mari and the rest of the population of the Mountain Side, apparently, became part of Russia: 1) the introduction of a large contingent of Russian troops, the construction of the fortified city of Sviyazhsk; 2) the flight to Kazan of a local anti-Moscow group of feudal lords, which could organize resistance; 3) the fatigue of the population of the Mountain Side from the devastating invasions of Russian troops, their desire to establish peaceful relations by restoring the Moscow protectorate; 4) the use by Russian diplomacy of the anti-Crimean and pro-Moscow sentiments of the mountain people for the purpose of directly including the Mountain Side into Russia (the actions of the population of the Mountain Side were seriously influenced by the arrival of the former Kazan Khan Shah-Ali in Sviyaga together with the Russian governors, accompanied by five hundred Tatar feudal lords who entered the Russian service); 5) bribery of local nobility and ordinary militia soldiers, exemption of mountain people from taxes for three years; 6) relatively close ties of the peoples of the Mountain Side with Russia in the years preceding the annexation.

  There is no consensus among historians regarding the nature of the annexation of the Mountain Side to the Russian state. Some scientists believe that the peoples of the Mountain Side joined Russia voluntarily, others argue that it was a violent seizure, and still others adhere to the version about the peaceful, but forced nature of the annexation. Obviously, in the annexation of the Mountain Side to the Russian state, both reasons and circumstances of a military, violent, and peaceful, non-violent nature played a role. These factors complemented each other, giving the entry of the mountain Mari and other peoples of the Mountain Side into Russia an exceptional uniqueness.

  Annexation of the left-bank Mari to Russia. Cheremis War 1552 – 1557

  Summer 1551 – spring 1552 Russian state exerted powerful military-political pressure on Kazan, the implementation of a plan for the gradual liquidation of the Khanate by establishing a Kazan governorship began. However, anti-Russian sentiment was too strong in Kazan, probably growing as pressure from Moscow increased. As a result, on March 9, 1552, the Kazan people refused to allow the Russian governor and the troops accompanying him into the city, and the entire plan for the bloodless annexation of the Khanate to Russia collapsed overnight.

  In the spring of 1552, an anti-Moscow uprising broke out on the Mountain Side, as a result of which the territorial integrity of the Khanate was actually restored. The reasons for the uprising of the mountain people were: the weakening of the Russian military presence on the territory of the Mountain Side, the active offensive actions of the left-bank Kazan residents in the absence of retaliatory measures from the Russians, the violent nature of the accession of the Mountain Side to the Russian state, the departure of Shah-Ali outside the Khanate, to Kasimov. As a result of large-scale punitive campaigns by Russian troops, the uprising was suppressed; in June-July 1552, the mountain people again swore allegiance to the Russian Tsar. Thus, in the summer of 1552, the mountain Mari finally became part of the Russian state. The results of the uprising convinced the mountain people of the futility of further resistance. The mountainous side, being the most vulnerable and at the same time important part of the Kazan Khanate in military-strategic terms, could not become a powerful center of the people's liberation struggle. Obviously, such factors as privileges and all kinds of gifts granted by the Moscow government to the mountain people in 1551, the experience of multilateral peaceful relations between the local population and the Russians, and the complex, contradictory nature of relations with Kazan in previous years also played a significant role. Due to these reasons, most mountain people during the events of 1552 - 1557. remained loyal to the power of the Russian sovereign.

  During the Kazan War 1545 - 1552. Crimean and Turkish diplomats were actively working to create an anti-Moscow union of Turkic-Muslim states to counter the powerful Russian expansion in east direction. However, the unification policy failed due to the pro-Moscow and anti-Crimean position of many influential Nogai Murzas.

  In the battle for Kazan in August - October 1552, both sides participated great amount troops, while the number of besiegers outnumbered the besieged by initial stage 2 - 2.5 times, and before the decisive assault - 4 - 5 times. In addition, the troops of the Russian state were better prepared in military-technical and military-engineering terms; The army of Ivan IV also managed to defeat the Kazan troops piecemeal. October 2, 1552 Kazan fell.

  In the first days after the capture of Kazan, Ivan IV and his entourage took measures to organize the administration of the conquered country. Within 8 days (from October 2 to October 10), the Prikazan Meadow Mari and Tatars were sworn in. However, the majority of the left-bank Mari did not show submission, and already in November 1552, the Mari of the Lugovaya Side rose up to fight for their freedom. The anti-Moscow armed uprisings of the peoples of the Middle Volga region after the fall of Kazan are usually called the Cheremis Wars, since the Mari showed the greatest activity in them, at the same time, the insurgent movement in the Middle Volga region in 1552 - 1557. is, in essence, a continuation of the Kazan War, and the main goal of its participants was the restoration of the Kazan Khanate. People's liberation movement 1552 – 1557 in the Middle Volga region was caused by the following reasons: 1) defending one’s independence, freedom, and the right to live in one’s own way; 2) the struggle of the local nobility to restore the order that existed in the Kazan Khanate; 3) religious confrontation (the Volga peoples - Muslims and pagans - seriously feared for the future of their religions and culture as a whole, since immediately after the capture of Kazan, Ivan IV began to destroy mosques, build Orthodox churches in their place, destroy the Muslim clergy and pursue a policy of forced baptism ). The degree of influence of the Turkic-Muslim states on the course of events in the Middle Volga region during this period was negligible; in some cases, potential allies even interfered with the rebels.

  Resistance movement 1552 – 1557 or the First Cheremis War developed in waves. The first wave – November – December 1552 (separate outbreaks of armed uprisings on the Volga and near Kazan); second – winter 1552/53 – beginning of 1554. (the most powerful stage, covering the entire Left Bank and part of the Mountain Side); third – July – October 1554 (the beginning of the decline of the resistance movement, a split among the rebels from the Arsk and Coastal sides); fourth - end of 1554 - March 1555. (participation in anti-Moscow armed protests only by the left-bank Mari, the beginning of the leadership of the rebels by the centurion from the Lugovaya Strand, Mamich-Berdei); fifth - end of 1555 - summer of 1556. (rebellion movement led by Mamich-Berdei, his support by Arsk and coastal people - Tatars and southern Udmurts, captivity of Mamich-Berdey); sixth, last - end of 1556 - May 1557. (universal cessation of resistance). All waves received their impetus on the Meadow Side, while the left bank (Meadow and northwestern) Maris showed themselves to be the most active, uncompromising and consistent participants in the resistance movement.

  The Kazan Tatars also took an active part in the war of 1552 – 1557, fighting for the restoration of the sovereignty and independence of their state. But still, their role in the insurgency, with the exception of some of its stages, was not the main one. This was due to several factors. Firstly, the Tatars in the 16th century. were experiencing a period of feudal relations, they were differentiated by class and they no longer had the kind of solidarity that was observed among the left-bank Mari, who did not know class contradictions (largely because of this, the participation of the lower classes of Tatar society in the anti-Moscow insurgent movement was not stable). Secondly, within the class of feudal lords there was a struggle between clans, which was caused by the influx of foreign (Horde, Crimean, Siberian, Nogai) nobility and the weakness of the central government in the Kazan Khanate, and the Russian state successfully took advantage of this, which was able to win over a significant group to its side Tatar feudal lords even before the fall of Kazan. Thirdly, the proximity of the socio-political systems of the Russian state and the Kazan Khanate facilitated the transition of the feudal nobility of the Khanate to the feudal hierarchy of the Russian state, while the Mari proto-feudal elite had weak ties with the feudal structure of both states. Fourthly, the settlements of the Tatars, unlike the majority of the left-bank Mari, were located in relative proximity to Kazan, large rivers and other strategically important routes of communication, in an area where there were few natural barriers that could seriously complicate the movements of punitive troops; moreover, these were, as a rule, economically developed areas, attractive for feudal exploitation. Fifthly, as a result of the fall of Kazan in October 1552, perhaps the bulk of the most combat-ready part of the Tatar troops was destroyed; the armed detachments of the left bank Mari then suffered to a much lesser extent.

  The resistance movement was suppressed as a result of large-scale punitive operations by the troops of Ivan IV. In a number of episodes, insurrectionary actions took the form of civil war and class struggle, but the main motive remained the struggle for the liberation of one’s land. The resistance movement ceased due to several factors: 1) continuous armed clashes with the tsarist troops, which brought countless casualties and destruction to the local population; 2) mass famine and plague epidemic that came from the Volga steppes; 3) the left bank Mari lost the support of their former allies - the Tatars and southern Udmurts. In May 1557, representatives of almost all groups of meadow and northwestern Mari took the oath to the Russian Tsar.

  Cheremis wars of 1571 - 1574 and 1581 - 1585. Consequences of the annexation of the Mari to the Russian state

  After the uprising of 1552 - 1557 The tsarist administration began to establish strict administrative and police control over the peoples of the Middle Volga region, but at first this was only possible on the Mountain side and in close proximity from Kazan, while in most of the Lugovaya Side the power of the administration was nominal. The dependence of the local left-bank Mari population was expressed only in the fact that it paid a symbolic tribute and fielded soldiers from its midst who were sent to the Livonian War (1558 - 1583). Moreover, the meadow and northwestern Mari continued to raid Russian lands, and local leaders actively established contacts with the Crimean Khan with the aim of concluding an anti-Moscow military alliance. It is no coincidence that the Second Cheremis War of 1571 - 1574. began immediately after the campaign of the Crimean Khan Davlet-Girey, which ended with the capture and burning of Moscow. The causes of the Second Cheremis War were, on the one hand, the same factors that prompted the Volga peoples to start an anti-Moscow insurgency shortly after the fall of Kazan, on the other hand, the population, which was under the strictest control of the tsarist administration, was dissatisfied with the increase in the volume of duties, abuses and shameless arbitrariness of officials, as well as a streak of failures in the protracted Livonian War. Thus, in the second major uprising of the peoples of the Middle Volga region, national liberation and anti-feudal motives were intertwined. Another difference between the Second Cheremis War and the First was the relatively active intervention of foreign states - the Crimean and Siberian Khanates, the Nogai Horde and even Turkey. In addition, the uprising spread to neighboring regions, which by that time had already become part of Russia - the Lower Volga region and the Urals. With the help of a whole set of measures (peaceful negotiations with a compromise with representatives of the moderate wing of the rebels, bribery, isolation of the rebels from their foreign allies, punitive campaigns, construction of fortresses (in 1574, at the mouth of the Bolshaya and Malaya Kokshag, Kokshaysk was built, the first city in the territory modern Republic of Mari El)) the government of Ivan IV the Terrible managed to first split the rebel movement and then suppress it.

  The next armed uprising of the peoples of the Volga and Urals region, which began in 1581, was caused by the same reasons as the previous one. What was new was that strict administrative and police supervision began to extend to the Lugovaya Side (the assignment of heads (“watchmen”) to the local population - Russian servicemen who exercised control, partial disarmament, confiscation of horses). The uprising began in the Urals in the summer of 1581 (an attack by the Tatars, Khanty and Mansi on the Stroganovs' possessions), then the unrest spread to the left-bank Mari, soon joined by the mountain Mari, Kazan Tatars, Udmurts, Chuvash and Bashkirs. The rebels blocked Kazan, Sviyazhsk and Cheboksary, made long campaigns deep into Russian territory - to Nizhny Novgorod, Khlynov, Galich. The Russian government was forced to urgently end the Livonian War, concluding a truce with the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth (1582) and Sweden (1583), and devote significant forces to pacifying the Volga population. The main methods of fighting against the rebels were punitive campaigns, the construction of fortresses (Kozmodemyansk was built in 1583, Tsarevokokshaisk in 1584, Tsarevosanchursk in 1585), as well as peace negotiations, during which Ivan IV, and after his death the actual Russian ruler Boris Godunov promised amnesty and gifts to those who wanted to stop resistance. As a result, in the spring of 1585, “they finished off the Sovereign Tsar and Grand Duke Fyodor Ivanovich of all Rus' with a centuries-old peace.”

  The entry of the Mari people into the Russian state cannot be unambiguously characterized as evil or good. Both negative and positive consequences of entering Mari into the system of Russian statehood, closely intertwined with each other, began to manifest themselves in almost all spheres of social development. However Mari and other peoples of the Middle Volga region faced a generally pragmatic, restrained and even soft (compared to Western European) imperial policy of the Russian state.
  This was due not only to fierce resistance, but also to the insignificant geographical, historical, cultural and religious distance between the Russians and the peoples of the Volga region, as well as those dating back to early Middle Ages traditions of multinational symbiosis, the development of which later led to what is usually called the friendship of peoples. The main thing is that, despite all the terrible shocks, Mari nevertheless survived as an ethnic group and became an organic part of the mosaic of the unique Russian super-ethnic group.

  Materials used - Svechnikov S.K. Methodical manual "History of the Mari people of the 9th-16th centuries"
  

  Yoshkar-Ola: GOU DPO (PK) With "Mari Institute of Education", 2005

  
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