The Mari originated. Mari: a history three thousand years long

Mari

MARI-ev; pl. The people of the Finno-Ugric linguistic group, constituting the main population of the Mari Republic; representatives of this people, the republic.

◁ Mariets, -riytsa; m. Mariika, -i; pl. genus.-riek, date-riikam; and. Mari (see). In Mari, adv.

(self-name - Mari, obsolete - Cheremis), people, indigenous people Mari Republic (324 thousand people) and neighboring regions of the Volga region and the Urals. In total there are 644 thousand people in Russia (1995). Mari language. The Mari believers are Orthodox.

MARI (obsolete - Cheremis), people in the Russian Federation, the indigenous population of the Mari Republic (312 thousand people), also live in neighboring regions of the Volga region and the Urals, including Bashkiria (106 thousand people), Tataria (18 ,8 thousand people), Kirov region(39 thousand people), Sverdlovsk region (28 thousand people), as well as in Tyumen region(11 thousand people), Siberian Federal District (13 thousand people), Southern Federal District (13.6 thousand people). In total there are 604 thousand Mari in the Russian Federation (2002). The Mari are divided into three territorial groups: mountainous, meadow (or forest) and eastern. Mountain Mari live mainly on the right bank of the Volga, meadow Mari - on the left, eastern - in Bashkiria and the Sverdlovsk region. The number of Mountain Mari in Russia is 18.5 thousand people, the Eastern Mari are 56 thousand people.
According to their anthropological appearance, the Mari belong to the sub-Ural type of the Ural race. In the Mari language, which belongs to the Volga-Finnish group of Finno-Ugric languages, mountain, meadow, eastern and northwestern dialects are distinguished. Russian is widely spoken among the Mari. Writing is based on the Cyrillic alphabet. After the Mari lands became part of the Russian state in the 16th century, the Christianization of the Mari began. However, the eastern and small groups of meadow Mari did not accept Christianity; until the 20th century, they retained pre-Christian beliefs, especially the cult of ancestors.
The beginning of the formation of the Mari tribes dates back to the turn of the first millennium AD; this process took place mainly on the right bank of the Volga, partially capturing the left bank areas. The first written mention of the Cheremis (Mari) is found in the Gothic historian Jordan (6th century). They are also mentioned in The Tale of Bygone Years. Close ethnocultural ties with the Turkic peoples played a major role in the development of the Mari ethnic group. Russian culture had a significant influence, especially intensified after the Mari joined the Russian state (1551-1552). From the end of the 16th century, the resettlement of the Mari began in the Cis-Urals, which intensified in the 17th and 18th centuries.
The main traditional occupation is arable farming. Of auxiliary importance were gardening, breeding horses, cattle and sheep, hunting, forestry (harvesting and rafting of wood, tar smoking), beekeeping; later - apiary beekeeping, fishing. The Mari have developed artistic crafts: embroidery, wood carving, and jewelry making.
Traditional clothing: richly embroidered tunic-shaped shirt, trousers, swinging summer caftan, hemp canvas waist towel, belt. Men wore felt hats with small brims and caps. For hunting and working in the forest, a headdress like a mosquito net was used. Mari shoes - bast shoes with onuchs, leather boots, felt boots. To work in swampy areas, wooden platforms were attached to shoes. A woman's costume is characterized by an apron and an abundance of jewelry made of beads, sparkles, coins, silver clasps, as well as bracelets and rings.
Women's headdresses are varied - cone-shaped caps with an occipital blade; magpies borrowed from the Russians, head towels with a headband, tall spade-shaped headdresses on a birch bark frame. Women's outerwear - straight and gathered kaftans made of black or white cloth and fur coats. Traditional types of clothing are common among the older generation and are used in wedding rituals.
Mari cuisine - dumplings stuffed with meat or cottage cheese, puff pancakes, curd cheesecakes, drinks - beer, buttermilk, strong mead. The Mari families were predominantly small, but there were also large, undivided ones. The woman in the family enjoyed economic and legal independence. Upon marriage, the bride's parents were paid a ransom, and they gave a dowry for their daughter.
Converted to Orthodoxy in the 18th century, the Mari retained pagan beliefs. Public prayers with sacrifices are typical, held in sacred groves before sowing, in the summer and after harvesting. Among the Eastern Mari there are Muslims. Wood carving and embroidery are unique in folk art. Mari music (harp, drum, trumpets) is distinguished by its richness of forms and melody. Among the folklore genres, songs stand out, among which “songs of sadness,” fairy tales, and legends occupy a special place.

encyclopedic Dictionary. 2009 .

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Mari ... Wikipedia

- (self-name of the Mari, obsolete Cheremis), nation, indigenous population of the Mari Republic (324 thousand people) and neighboring regions of the Volga region and the Urals. In total there are 644 thousand people in the Russian Federation (1992). The total number is 671 thousand people. Mari language... Big Encyclopedic Dictionary

- (self-names Mari, Mari, Cheremis) people total number 671 thousand people Main countries of settlement: Russian Federation 644 thousand people, incl. Republic of Mari El 324 thousand people. Other countries of settlement: Kazakhstan 12 thousand people, Ukraine 7 thousand… … Modern encyclopedia

MARI, ev, units. yets, yitsa, husband. Same as mari (1 value). | wives Mari, I. | adj. Mari, aya, oh. Dictionary Ozhegova. S.I. Ozhegov, N.Yu. Shvedova. 1949 1992 … Ozhegov's Explanatory Dictionary

- (self-name Mari, obsolete Cheremis), people in the Russian Federation, indigenous population of the Mari Republic (324 thousand people) and neighboring regions of the Volga region and the Urals. In total there are 644 thousand people in the Russian Federation. Mari language Volga... ...Russian history

Noun, number of synonyms: 2 mari (3) cheremis (2) ASIS Dictionary of Synonyms. V.N. Trishin. 2013… Synonym dictionary

Mari- (self-names Mari, Mari, Cheremis) people with a total number of 671 thousand people. Main countries of settlement: Russian Federation 644 thousand people, incl. Republic of Mari El 324 thousand people. Other countries of settlement: Kazakhstan 12 thousand people, Ukraine 7 thousand… … Illustrated Encyclopedic Dictionary

Mari- (self-named Mari, obsolete Russian name Cheremisy). They are divided into mountain, meadow and eastern. They live in the republic. Mari El (on the right bank of the Volga and partly on the left mountainous, the rest meadow), in Bashk. (East), as well as in a small number in neighboring republics. and region... ... Ural Historical Encyclopedia

Mari Ethnopsychological Dictionary

MARI- representatives of one of the Finnish Ugric peoples(see), living in the Volga-Vetluzh-Vyatka interfluve, the Kama region and the Urals and in its national psychology and culture is similar to the Chuvash. The Mari are hardworking, hospitable, modest,... ... Encyclopedic Dictionary of Psychology and Pedagogy

Women of Mari-El have always been distinguished by a penchant for original talents. Almost all Mari women are very musical, they know and dance with pleasure folk dances, and also master the art of ancient national embroidery. In everyday life they are decisive and lively, but infinitely kind and welcoming. The main thing for them is family values.

Women of various nationalities live in Mari El - there are more than twenty of them. This means that their traditions, clothes, tastes, and to some extent even their ideas about life are completely different. However, we can single out women of two nationalities, whose representatives constitute the majority in the republic. These are Russians and Maris. If everything is more or less clear with the first, then little is known about Mari women in other regions of Russia.

The Mari belong to the Subural anthropological type. Speaking in simple language, they are different from classic options Ural race, Mongoloid features are more noticeable in them. As a rule, Mari women are short in stature, dark hair and slightly slanted eyes.

For most of the fair sex Mari region characterized by character traits such as tenacity, determination and perseverance, sometimes developing into stubbornness.

Despite the fact that the Mari are classified as Finno-Ugric peoples, they are not very similar in character. If the Finno-Ugrians are quite calm and even somewhat infantile, then the Mari people are very decisive and lively. Take, for example, the fact that some of them remained pagans and preserved their faith almost in its original form. This also applies to Mari women. They are very persistent strong-willed and a little cunning, at the same time very kind and welcoming.

Another very important trait that Mari women have is thriftiness and hard work. Maintaining a home, coziness and comfort in the family is the most important thing for them. Since ancient times, Mari women owned high art weaving and embroidery. The national costume that has survived to this day amazes with its colorful and unusual ornaments. Of course, modern Yoshkar-Rolinkas have not worn Mari costumes in everyday life for a long time. However, they are happy to flaunt them during national holidays.

Embroidery has always been traditional occupation Mari women. They were taught to embroider from childhood so that the girl could prepare her dowry. It was by embroidery that they determined how hardworking a girl was, assessed her taste and artistic skills. This activity, on the one hand, is very difficult and painstaking, requiring a lot of patience and perseverance. But on the other hand, it's very exciting. Plus, embroidery is soothing and the results are always worth the time spent.

By the way, making national costumes and creating embroidery is a hobby for many Mari women. Their products are very successful.

I started sewing late, having already retired. However, I really like this activity, and it started working out right away. I definitely use Mari embroidery in my products. I mainly sew suits for folk ensembles. Nowadays they order suits according to fashion, so that they are fitted. I sell it for about 2000-2500 rubles per set. There are a lot of orders, I can hardly keep up with them. Of course, relatives and colleagues help.

Of course, in everyday life no one wears the national Mari costume. Residents of Yoshkar-Ola prefer the most ordinary, comfortable everyday clothes. The preferred shades when choosing a suit are the brightest. Besides, in last years ancient Mari embroidery was included in the number fashion trends, and today, more and more often, national ornaments can be found in the modern costume of a Mari woman.

It should be noted that city women boldly experiment with makeup, even on weekdays preferring the brightest colors of lipstick and eye shadow.

Girls dress differently. But mostly they prefer comfortable clothes: jeans, shorts, T-shirts, sundresses. There are also fashionistas who always follow the trends of the season. I noticed that residents of Yoshkar-Ola prefer bright colors in clothes - pink, coral, blue, yellow. It's great that our women don't dress in gloomy clothes. dark colors. They look cheerful, cheerful and confident.

In makeup, residents of the Mari Republic prefer bright shades and bold tones. They are not afraid to stand out and do their best to emphasize the beauty given to them by nature.

Mari women are very talented and approach life creatively. Almost every Mari woman, in addition to her ability to embroider, is famous for her choreographic and musical abilities. Many perform in national ensembles, go on tour. For example, the state dance ensemble “Mari El” is familiar to groups and artists from many countries around the world who have jointly participated in prestigious international festivals. For more than 70 years, he has been pleasing and surprising audiences in his republic and other regions and countries with his original and diverse repertoire. By the way, the winner of the “Miss Student Finno-Ugria” contest, held this year in Saransk, was a girl from the Republic of Mari El.

Origin of the Mari people

The question of the origin of the Mari people is still controversial. For the first time, a scientifically substantiated theory of the ethnogenesis of the Mari was expressed in 1845 by the famous Finnish linguist M. Castren. He tried to identify the Mari with the chronicle measures. This point of view was supported and developed by T.S. Semenov, I.N. Smirnov, S.K. Kuznetsov, A.A. Spitsyn, D.K. Zelenin, M.N. Yantemir, F.E. Egorov and many others researchers of the 2nd half of the 19th – 1st half of the 20th centuries. A new hypothesis was made in 1949 by the prominent Soviet archaeologist A.P. Smirnov, who came to the conclusion about the Gorodets (close to the Mordovians) basis; other archaeologists O.N. Bader and V.F. Gening at the same time defended the thesis about Dyakovsky (close to measure) origin of the Mari. Nevertheless, archaeologists were already able to convincingly prove that the Merya and Mari, although related to each other, are not the same people. At the end of the 1950s, when the permanent Mari archaeological expedition began to operate, its leaders A.Kh. Khalikov and G.A. Arkhipov developed a theory about the mixed Gorodets-Azelinsky (Volga-Finnish-Permian) basis of the Mari people. Subsequently, G.A. Arkhipov, developing this hypothesis further, in the course of the discovery and research of new archaeological sites proved that the Gorodets-Dyakovo (Volga-Finnish) component predominated in the mixed basis of the Mari and the formation of the Mari ethnos, which began in the first half of the 1st millennium AD, generally ended in the 9th - 11th centuries, and even then the Mari ethnos began to be divided into two main groups - mountain and meadow Mari (the latter, compared to the former, were more strongly influenced by the Azelin (Permo-speaking) tribes). This theory is generally supported by the majority of archaeological scientists working on this problem. Mari archaeologist V.S. Patrushev put forward a different assumption, according to which the formation of the ethnic foundations of the Mari, as well as the Meri and Muroms, took place on the basis of the Akhmylov-type population. Linguists (I.S. Galkin, D.E. Kazantsev), who rely on language data, believe that the territory of formation of the Mari people should be sought not in the Vetluzh-Vyatka interfluve, as archaeologists believe, but to the southwest, between the Oka and Suroy. Scientist-archaeologist T.B. Nikitina, taking into account data not only from archeology, but also from linguistics, came to the conclusion that the ancestral home of the Mari is located in the Volga part of the Oka-Sura interfluve and in Povetluzhie, and the advance to the east, to Vyatka, occurred in VIII - XI centuries, during which contact and mixing took place with the Azelin (Perm-speaking) tribes.

The question of the origin of the ethnonyms “Mari” and “Cheremis” also remains complex and unclear. The meaning of the word “Mari”, the self-name of the Mari people, is derived by many linguists from the Indo-European term “mar”, “mer” in various sound variations (translated as “man”, “husband”). The word “Cheremis” (as the Russians called the Mari, and in a slightly different, but phonetically similar vowel, many other peoples) has big number various interpretations. The first written mention of this ethnonym (in the original “ts-r-mis”) is found in a letter from the Khazar Kagan Joseph to the dignitary of the Cordoba Caliph Hasdai ibn-Shaprut (960s). D.E. Kazantsev, following the historian of the 19th century. G.I. Peretyatkovich came to the conclusion that the name “Cheremis” was given to the Mari by the Mordovian tribes, and translated this word means “a person living on the sunny side, in the east.” According to I.G. Ivanov, “Cheremis” is “a person from the Chera or Chora tribe,” in other words, neighboring peoples subsequently extended the name of one of the Mari tribes to the entire ethnic group. The version of the Mari local historians of the 1920s and early 1930s, F.E. Egorov and M.N. Yantemir, is widely popular, who suggested that this ethnonym goes back to the Turkic term “warlike person.” F.I. Gordeev, as well as I.S. Galkin, who supported his version, defend the hypothesis about the origin of the word “Cheremis” from the ethnonym “Sarmatian” with the mediation Turkic languages. A number of other versions were also expressed. The problem of the etymology of the word “Cheremis” is further complicated by the fact that in the Middle Ages (up to the 17th – 18th centuries) this was the name in a number of cases not only for the Mari, but also for their neighbors – the Chuvash and Udmurts.

Mari in the 9th – 11th centuries.

In the 9th – 11th centuries. In general, the formation of the Mari ethnic group was completed. At the time in questionMarisettled over a vast territory within the Middle Volga region: south of the Vetluga and Yuga watershed and the Pizhma River; north of the Piana River, the upper reaches of Tsivil; east of the Unzha River, the mouth of the Oka; west of Ileti and the mouth of the Kilmezi River.

Farm Mari was complex (agriculture, cattle breeding, hunting, fishing, gathering, beekeeping, crafts and other activities related to the processing of raw materials at home). Direct evidence of the widespread spread of agriculture in Mari no, there is only indirect evidence indicating the development of slash-and-burn agriculture among them, and there is reason to believe that in the 11th century. the transition to arable farming began.
Mari in the 9th – 11th centuries. almost all grains, legumes and industrial crops cultivated in the forest belt of Eastern Europe at the present time were known. Swidden farming was combined with cattle breeding; Stall housing of livestock in combination with free grazing predominated (mainly the same types of domestic animals and birds were bred as now).
Hunting was a significant help in the economy Mari, while in the 9th – 11th centuries. fur production began to have a commercial character. Hunting tools were bows and arrows; various traps, snares and snares were used.
Mari the population was engaged in fishing (near rivers and lakes), accordingly, river navigation developed, while natural conditions (dense network of rivers, difficult forest and swampy terrain) dictated the priority development of river rather than land routes of communication.
Fishing, as well as gathering (primarily forest products) were focused exclusively on domestic consumption. Significant spread and development in Mari beekeeping was introduced; they even put signs of ownership on the bean trees - “tiste”. Along with furs, honey was the main item of Mari export.
U Mari there were no cities, only village crafts were developed. Metallurgy, due to the lack of a local raw material base, developed through the processing of imported semi-finished and finished products. Nevertheless, blacksmithing in the 9th – 11th centuries. at Mari had already emerged as a special specialty, while non-ferrous metallurgy (mainly blacksmithing and jewelry - making copper, bronze, and silver jewelry) was predominantly carried out by women.
The production of clothing, shoes, utensils, and some types of agricultural implements was carried out on each farm in the time free from agriculture and livestock raising. Weaving and leatherworking were in first place among the domestic industries. Flax and hemp were used as raw materials for weaving. The most common leather product was shoes.

In the 9th – 11th centuries. Mari conducted barter trade with neighboring peoples - the Udmurts, Meryas, Vesya, Mordovians, Muroma, Meshchera and other Finno-Ugric tribes. Trade relations with the Bulgars and Khazars, who were at a relatively high level of development, went beyond the scope of natural exchange; there were elements commodity-money relations(many Arab dirhams were found in ancient Mari burial grounds of that time). In the area where they lived Mari, the Bulgars even founded trading posts like the Mari-Lugovsky settlement. The greatest activity of Bulgarian merchants occurred at the end of the 10th - beginning of the 11th centuries. There are no obvious signs of close and regular connections between the Mari and Eastern Slavs in the 9th – 11th centuries. has not yet been discovered, things of Slavic-Russian origin are rare in the Mari archaeological sites of that time.

Based on the totality of available information, it is difficult to judge the nature of contacts Mari in the 9th – 11th centuries. with their Volga-Finnish neighbors - Merya, Meshchera, Mordovians, Muroma. However, according to numerous folklore works strained relations Mari developed with the Udmurts: as a result of a number of battles and minor skirmishes, the latter were forced to leave the Vetluga-Vyatka interfluve, retreating east, to the left bank of the Vyatka. At the same time, among the available archaeological material there are no traces of armed conflicts between Mari and the Udmurts were not found.

Relationship Mari with the Volga Bulgars, apparently, they were not limited to trade. At least part of the Mari population, bordering the Volga-Kama Bulgaria, paid tribute to this country (kharaj) - initially as a vassal-intermediary of the Khazar Kagan (it is known that in the 10th century both Bulgars and Mari- ts-r-mis - were subjects of Kagan Joseph, however, the former were in a more privileged position as part of the Khazar Kaganate), then as an independent state and a kind of legal successor to the Kaganate.

The Mari and their neighbors in the 12th – early 13th centuries.

From the 12th century in some Mari lands the transition to fallow farming begins. Funeral rites were unifiedMari, cremation has disappeared. If previously in useMarimen often encountered swords and spears, but now they have been replaced everywhere by bows, arrows, axes, knives and other types of light bladed weapons. Perhaps this was due to the fact that the new neighborsMarithere were more numerous, better armed and organized peoples (Slavic-Russians, Bulgars), with whom it was possible to fight only by partisan methods.

XII – early XIII centuries. were marked by a noticeable growth of the Slavic-Russian and the decline of the Bulgar influence on Mari(especially in Povetluzhie). At this time, Russian settlers appeared in the area between the Unzha and Vetluga rivers (Gorodets Radilov, first mentioned in chronicles in 1171, settlements and settlements on Uzol, Linda, Vezlom, Vatom), where settlements were still found Mari and eastern Merya, as well as in the Upper and Middle Vyatka (the cities of Khlynov, Kotelnich, settlements on Pizhma) - on the Udmurt and Mari lands.
Settlement area Mari, compared with the 9th – 11th centuries, did not undergo significant changes, however, its gradual shift to the east continued, which was largely due to the advance from the west of the Slavic-Russian tribes and the Slavicizing Finno-Ugric peoples (primarily the Merya) and, possibly , the ongoing Mari-Udmurt confrontation. The movement of the Meryan tribes to the east took place in small families or their groups, and the settlers who reached Povetluga most likely mixed with related Mari tribes, completely dissolving in this environment.

Material culture came under strong Slavic-Russian influence (obviously through the mediation of the Meryan tribes) Mari. In particular, according to archaeological research, instead of traditional local molded ceramics comes dishes made on a potter's wheel (Slavic and “Slavonic” ceramics); under Slavic influence, the appearance of Mari jewelry, household items, and tools changed. At the same time, among the Mari antiquities of the 12th – early 13th centuries, there are much fewer Bulgar items.

Not later start XII century The inclusion of the Mari lands into the system of ancient Russian statehood begins. According to the Tale of Bygone Years and the Tale of the Destruction of the Russian Land, the Cheremis (probably the western groups of the Mari population) were already paying tribute to the Russian princes. In 1120, after a series of Bulgar attacks on Russian cities in Volga-Ochye, which took place in the second half of the 11th century, a series of retaliatory campaigns began by the Vladimir-Suzdal princes and their allies from other Russian principalities. The Russian-Bulgar conflict, as is commonly believed, flared up due to the collection of tribute from the local population, and in this struggle the advantage steadily leaned towards the feudal lords of North-Eastern Rus'. Reliable information about direct participation Mari in the Russian-Bulgar wars, no, although the troops of both warring sides repeatedly passed through the Mari lands.

Mari as part of the Golden Horde

In 1236 - 1242 Eastern Europe was subjected to a powerful Mongol-Tatar invasion; a significant part of it, including the entire Volga region, came under the rule of the conquerors. At the same time, the BulgarsMari, Mordovians and other peoples of the Middle Volga region were included in the Ulus of Jochi or Golden Horde, an empire founded by Batu Khan. Written sources there is no report of a direct invasion of the Mongol-Tatars in the 30s - 40s. XIII century to the territory where they livedMari. Most likely, the invasion affected the Mari settlements located near the areas that suffered the most severe devastation (Volga-Kama Bulgaria, Mordovia) - these are the Right Bank of the Volga and the left bank Mari lands adjacent to Bulgaria.

Mari submitted to the Golden Horde through the Bulgar feudal lords and khan's darugs. The bulk of the population was divided into administrative-territorial and tax-paying units - uluses, hundreds and tens, which were led by centurions and foremen - representatives of the local nobility - accountable to the khan's administration. Mari, like many other peoples subject to the Golden Horde Khan, had to pay yasak, a number of other taxes, and bear various duties, including military. They mainly supplied furs, honey, and wax. At the same time, the Mari lands were located on the forested northwestern periphery of the empire, far from the steppe zone; it did not have a developed economy, so strict military and police control was not established here, and in the most inaccessible and remote area - in Povetluzhye and the adjacent territory - the power of the khan was only nominal.

This circumstance contributed to the continuation of Russian colonization of the Mari lands. More Russian settlements appeared in Pizhma and Middle Vyatka, the development of Povetluzhye, the Oka-Sura interfluve, and then Lower Sura began. In Povetluzhie Russian influence was especially strong. Judging by the “Vetluga Chronicler” and other Trans-Volga Russian chronicles of late origin, many local semi-mythical princes (Kuguz) (Kai, Kodzha-Yaraltem, Bai-Boroda, Keldibek) were baptized, were in vassal dependence on the Galician princes, sometimes concluding military wars against them alliances with the Golden Horde. Apparently, a similar situation was in Vyatka, where contacts between the local Mari population and the Vyatka Land and the Golden Horde developed.
The strong influence of both the Russians and the Bulgars was felt in the Volga region, especially in its mountainous part (in the Malo-Sundyrskoye settlement, Yulyalsky, Noselskoye, Krasnoselishchenskoye settlements). However, here Russian influence gradually grew, and the Bulgar-Golden Horde weakened. By the beginning of the 15th century. the interfluve of the Volga and Sura actually became part of the Moscow Grand Duchy (before that - Nizhny Novgorod), back in 1374 the Kurmysh fortress was founded on the Lower Sura. Relations between the Russians and the Mari were complex: peaceful contacts were combined with periods of war (mutual raids, campaigns of Russian princes against Bulgaria through the Mari lands from the 70s of the 14th century, attacks by the Ushkuiniks in the second half of the 14th - early 15th centuries, participation of the Mari in military actions of the Golden Horde against Rus', for example, in the Battle of Kulikovo).

Mass relocations continued Mari. As a result of the Mongol-Tatar invasion and subsequent raids by steppe warriors, many Mari, who lived on the right bank of the Volga, moved to the safer left bank. At the end of the XIV - beginning of the XV centuries. The left-bank Mari, who lived in the basin of the Mesha, Kazanka, and Ashit rivers, were forced to move to more northern regions and to the east, since the Kama Bulgars rushed here, fleeing the troops of Timur (Tamerlane), then from the Nogai warriors. The eastern direction of the resettlement of the Mari in the 14th – 15th centuries. was also due to Russian colonization. Assimilation processes also took place in the zone of contact between the Mari and the Russians and Bulgaro-Tatars.

Economic and socio-political situation of the Mari as part of the Kazan Khanate

The Kazan Khanate arose during the collapse of the Golden Horde - as a result of the appearance in the 30s and 40s. XV century in the Middle Volga region, the Golden Horde Khan Ulu-Muhammad, his court and combat-ready troops, who together played the role of a powerful catalyst in the consolidation of the local population and the creation of a state entity equivalent to the still decentralized Rus'.

Mari were not included in the Kazan Khanate by force; dependence on Kazan arose due to the desire to prevent armed struggle with the aim of jointly opposing the Russian state and, in accordance with the established tradition, paying tribute to the Bulgar and Golden Horde government officials. Allied, confederal relations were established between the Mari and the Kazan government. At the same time, there were noticeable differences in the position of the mountain, meadow and northwestern Mari within the Khanate.

At the main part Mari the economy was complex, with a developed agricultural basis. Only in the northwestern Mari Due to natural conditions (they lived in an area of ​​almost continuous swamps and forests), agriculture played a secondary role compared to forestry and cattle breeding. In general, the main features of the economic life of the Mari in the 15th – 16th centuries. have not undergone significant changes compared to the previous time.

Mountain Mari, who, like the Chuvash, Eastern Mordovians and Sviyazhsk Tatars, lived on the Mountain side of the Kazan Khanate, stood out for their active participation in contacts with the Russian population, the relative weakness of ties with the central regions of the Khanate, from which they were separated by the large Volga River. At the same time, the Mountain Side was under fairly strict military and police control, which was due to the high level of its economic development, the intermediate position between the Russian lands and Kazan, and the growing influence of Russia in this part of the Khanate. The Right Bank (due to its special strategic position and high economic development) was invaded somewhat more often by foreign troops - not only Russian warriors, but also steppe warriors. The situation of the mountain people was complicated by the presence of main water and land roads to Rus' and the Crimea, since permanent conscription was very heavy and burdensome.

Meadow Mari unlike the mountain people, they did not have close and regular contacts with the Russian state; they to a greater extent were connected with Kazan and the Kazan Tatars politically, economically, and culturally. According to the level of their economic development, meadows Mari were not inferior to the mountain ones. Moreover, the economy of the Left Bank on the eve of the fall of Kazan developed in a relatively stable, calm and less harsh military-political environment, therefore contemporaries (A.M. Kurbsky, author of “Kazan History”) describe the well-being of the population of the Lugovaya and especially the Arsk side most enthusiastically and colorfully. The amounts of taxes paid by the population of the Mountain and Meadow sides also did not differ much. If on the Mountain Side the burden of regular service was felt more strongly, then on Lugovaya - construction: it was the population of the Left Bank that erected and maintained in proper condition the powerful fortifications of Kazan, Arsk, various forts, and abatis.

Northwestern (Vetluga and Kokshay) Mari were relatively weakly drawn into the orbit of the khan’s power due to their distance from the center and due to relatively low economic development; at the same time, the Kazan government, fearing Russian military campaigns from the north (from Vyatka) and north-west (from Galich and Ustyug), sought allied relations with the Vetluga, Kokshai, Pizhansky, Yaran Mari leaders, who also saw benefits in supporting the aggressive actions of the Tatars in relation to the outlying Russian lands.

"Military democracy" of the medieval Mari.

In the XV - XVI centuries. Mari, like other peoples of the Kazan Khanate, except for the Tatars, were at a transitional stage of development of society from primitive to early feudal. On the one hand, individual family property was allocated within the land-kinship union (neighborhood community), parcel labor flourished, property differentiation grew, and on the other, the class structure of society did not acquire its clear outlines.

Mari patriarchal families were united into patronymic groups (nasyl, tukym, urlyk), and those into larger land unions (tiste). Their unity was based not on consanguineous ties, but on the principle of neighborhood, and, to a lesser extent, on economic ties, which were expressed in various kinds of mutual “help” (“voma”), joint ownership of common lands. Land unions were, among other things, unions of mutual military assistance. Perhaps the Tiste were territorially compatible with the hundreds and uluses of the Kazan Khanate period. Hundreds, uluses, and dozens were led by centurions or centurion princes (“shÿdövuy”, “puddle”), foremen (“luvuy”). The centurions appropriated for themselves some part of the yasak they collected in favor of the khan's treasury from the subordinate ordinary members of the community, but at the same time they enjoyed authority among them as intelligent and courageous people, as skillful organizers and military leaders. Centurions and foremen in the 15th – 16th centuries. They had not yet managed to break with primitive democracy, but at the same time the power of the representatives of the nobility increasingly acquired a hereditary character.

The feudalization of Mari society accelerated thanks to the Turkic-Mari synthesis. In relation to the Kazan Khanate, ordinary community members acted as a feudal-dependent population (in fact, they were personally free people and were part of a kind of semi-service class), and the nobility - as service vassals. Among the Mari, representatives of the nobility began to stand out as a special military class - Mamichi (imildashi), bogatyrs (batyrs), who probably already had some relation to the feudal hierarchy of the Kazan Khanate; on the lands with the Mari population, feudal estates began to appear - belyaki (administrative tax districts given by the Kazan khans as a reward for service with the right to collect yasak from land and various fishing grounds that were in the collective use of the Mari population).

The dominance of military-democratic orders in medieval Mari society was the environment where the immanent impulses for raids were laid. War, which was once waged only to avenge attacks or to expand territory, now becomes a permanent trade. Property stratification of ordinary community members, economic activity which was hampered by insufficiently favorable natural conditions and the low level of development of productive forces, led to the fact that many of them began to increasingly turn outside their community in search of means to satisfy their material needs and in an effort to raise their status in society. The feudalized nobility, which gravitated towards a further increase in wealth and its socio-political weight, also sought outside the community to find new sources of enrichment and strengthening of its power. As a result, solidarity arose between two different layers of community members, between whom a “military alliance” was formed for the purpose of expansion. Therefore, the power of the Mari “princes,” along with the interests of the nobility, still continued to reflect general tribal interests.

The greatest activity in raids among all groups of the Mari population was shown by the northwestern Mari. This was due to their relatively low level of socio-economic development. Meadow and mountain Mari those engaged in agricultural labor took a less active part in military campaigns, moreover, the local proto-feudal elite had other ways than the military to strengthen their power and further enrich themselves (primarily through strengthening ties with Kazan)

Annexation of the Mountain Mari to the Russian State

Entry Mariinto the Russian state was a multi-stage process, and the first to be annexed were the mountainousMari. Together with the rest of the population of the Mountain Side, they were interested in peaceful relations with the Russian state, while in the spring of 1545 a series of large campaigns of Russian troops against Kazan began. At the end of 1546, the mountain people (Tugai, Atachik) attempted to establish a military alliance with Russia and, together with political emigrants from among the Kazan feudal lords, sought the overthrow of Khan Safa-Girey and the installation of the Moscow vassal Shah-Ali on the throne, thereby preventing new invasions Russian troops and put an end to the oppressive pro-Crimean internal politics khan. However, Moscow at this time had already set a course for the final annexation of the Khanate - Ivan IV was crowned king (this indicates that the Russian sovereign was putting forward his claim to the Kazan throne and other residences of the Golden Horde kings). Nevertheless, the Moscow government failed to take advantage of the successful rebellion of the Kazan feudal lords led by Prince Kadysh against Safa-Girey, and the help offered by the mountain people was rejected by the Russian governors. The mountainous side continued to be considered by Moscow as enemy territory even after the winter of 1546/47. (campaigns to Kazan in the winter of 1547/48 and in the winter of 1549/50).

By 1551, a plan had matured in Moscow government circles to annex the Kazan Khanate to Russia, which provided for the separation of the Mountain Side and its subsequent transformation into a support base for the capture of the rest of the Khanate. In the summer of 1551, when a powerful military outpost was erected at the mouth of Sviyaga (Sviyazhsk fortress), it was possible to annex the Mountain Side to the Russian state.

Reasons for the inclusion of mountain Mari and the rest of the population of the Mountain Side, apparently, became part of Russia: 1) the introduction of a large contingent of Russian troops, the construction of the fortified city of Sviyazhsk; 2) the flight to Kazan of a local anti-Moscow group of feudal lords, which could organize resistance; 3) the fatigue of the population of the Mountain Side from the devastating invasions of Russian troops, their desire to establish peaceful relations by restoring the Moscow protectorate; 4) the use by Russian diplomacy of the anti-Crimean and pro-Moscow sentiments of the mountain people for the purpose of directly including the Mountain Side into Russia (the actions of the population of the Mountain Side were seriously influenced by the arrival of the former Kazan Khan Shah-Ali in Sviyaga together with the Russian governors, accompanied by five hundred Tatar feudal lords who entered the Russian service); 5) bribery of local nobility and ordinary militia soldiers, exemption of mountain people from taxes for three years; 6) relatively close ties of the peoples of the Mountain Side with Russia in the years preceding the annexation.

There is no consensus among historians regarding the nature of the annexation of the Mountain Side to the Russian state. Some scientists believe that the peoples of the Mountain Side joined Russia voluntarily, others argue that it was a violent seizure, and still others adhere to the version about the peaceful, but forced nature of the annexation. Obviously, in the annexation of the Mountain Side to the Russian state, both reasons and circumstances of a military, violent, and peaceful, non-violent nature played a role. These factors complemented each other, giving the entry of the mountain Mari and other peoples of the Mountain Side into Russia an exceptional uniqueness.

Annexation of the left-bank Mari to Russia. Cheremis War 1552 – 1557

Summer 1551 – spring 1552 The Russian state exerted powerful military-political pressure on Kazan, and the implementation of a plan for the gradual liquidation of the Khanate through the establishment of a Kazan governorship began. However, anti-Russian sentiment was too strong in Kazan, probably growing as pressure from Moscow increased. As a result, on March 9, 1552, the Kazan people refused to allow the Russian governor and the troops accompanying him into the city, and the entire plan for the bloodless annexation of the Khanate to Russia collapsed overnight.

In the spring of 1552, an anti-Moscow uprising broke out on the Mountain Side, as a result of which the territorial integrity of the Khanate was actually restored. The reasons for the uprising of the mountain people were: the weakening of the Russian military presence on the territory of the Mountain Side, the active offensive actions of the left-bank Kazan residents in the absence of retaliatory measures from the Russians, the violent nature of the accession of the Mountain Side to the Russian state, the departure of Shah-Ali outside the Khanate, to Kasimov. As a result of large-scale punitive campaigns by Russian troops, the uprising was suppressed; in June-July 1552, the mountain people again swore allegiance to the Russian Tsar. Thus, in the summer of 1552, the mountain Mari finally became part of the Russian state. The results of the uprising convinced the mountain people of the futility of further resistance. The mountainous side, being the most vulnerable and at the same time important part of the Kazan Khanate in military-strategic terms, could not become a powerful center of the people's liberation struggle. Obviously, a significant role was played by such factors as privileges and all kinds of gifts provided by the Moscow government to the mountain people in 1551, the presence of experience in multilateral peaceful relations of the local population with the Russians, complex, controversial nature relations with Kazan in previous years. Due to these reasons, most mountain people during the events of 1552 - 1557. remained loyal to the power of the Russian sovereign.

During the Kazan War 1545 - 1552. Crimean and Turkish diplomats were actively working to create an anti-Moscow union of Turkic-Muslim states to counter the powerful Russian expansion in the eastern direction. However, the unification policy failed due to the pro-Moscow and anti-Crimean position of many influential Nogai Murzas.

In the battle for Kazan in August - October 1552, a huge number of troops took part on both sides, while the number of besiegers outnumbered the besieged at the initial stage by 2 - 2.5 times, and before the decisive assault - by 4 - 5 times. In addition, the troops of the Russian state were better prepared in military-technical and military-engineering terms; The army of Ivan IV also managed to defeat the Kazan troops piecemeal. October 2, 1552 Kazan fell.

In the first days after the capture of Kazan, Ivan IV and his entourage took measures to organize the administration of the conquered country. Within 8 days (from October 2 to October 10), the Prikazan Meadow Mari and Tatars were sworn in. However, the majority of the left-bank Mari did not show submission, and already in November 1552, the Mari of the Lugovaya Side rose up to fight for their freedom. The anti-Moscow armed uprisings of the peoples of the Middle Volga region after the fall of Kazan are usually called the Cheremis Wars, since the Mari showed the greatest activity in them, at the same time, the insurgent movement in the Middle Volga region in 1552 - 1557. is, in essence, a continuation of the Kazan War, and the main goal of its participants was the restoration of the Kazan Khanate. People's liberation movement 1552 – 1557 in the Middle Volga region was caused by the following reasons: 1) defending one’s independence, freedom, and the right to live in one’s own way; 2) the struggle of the local nobility to restore the order that existed in the Kazan Khanate; 3) religious confrontation (the Volga peoples - Muslims and pagans - seriously feared for the future of their religions and culture as a whole, since immediately after the capture of Kazan, Ivan IV began to destroy mosques, build Orthodox churches in their place, destroy the Muslim clergy and pursue a policy of forced baptism ). The degree of influence of the Turkic-Muslim states on the course of events in the Middle Volga region during this period was negligible; in some cases, potential allies even interfered with the rebels.

Resistance movement 1552 – 1557 or the First Cheremis War developed in waves. The first wave – November – December 1552 (separate outbreaks of armed uprisings on the Volga and near Kazan); second – winter 1552/53 – beginning of 1554. (the most powerful stage, covering the entire Left Bank and part of the Mountain Side); third – July – October 1554 (the beginning of the decline of the resistance movement, a split among the rebels from the Arsk and Coastal sides); fourth – end of 1554 – March 1555. (participation in anti-Moscow armed protests only by the left-bank Mari, the beginning of the leadership of the rebels by the centurion from the Lugovaya Strand, Mamich-Berdei); fifth - end of 1555 - summer of 1556. (rebellion movement led by Mamich-Berdei, his support by Arsk and coastal people - Tatars and southern Udmurts, captivity of Mamich-Berdey); sixth, last – end of 1556 – May 1557. (universal cessation of resistance). All waves received their impetus on the Meadow Side, while the left bank (Meadow and northwestern) Maris showed themselves to be the most active, uncompromising and consistent participants in the resistance movement.

The Kazan Tatars also took an active part in the war of 1552 - 1557, fighting for the restoration of the sovereignty and independence of their state. But still, their role in the insurgency, with the exception of some of its stages, was not the main one. This was due to several factors. Firstly, the Tatars in the 16th century. were experiencing a period of feudal relations, they were differentiated by class and they no longer had the kind of solidarity that was observed among the left-bank Mari, who did not know class contradictions (largely because of this, the participation of the lower classes of Tatar society in the anti-Moscow insurgent movement was not stable). Secondly, within the class of feudal lords there was a struggle between clans, which was caused by the influx of foreign (Horde, Crimean, Siberian, Nogai) nobility and the weakness of the central government in the Kazan Khanate, and the Russian state successfully took advantage of this, which was able to win over to its side significant group Tatar feudal lords even before the fall of Kazan. Thirdly, the proximity of the socio-political systems of the Russian state and the Kazan Khanate facilitated the transition of the feudal nobility of the Khanate to the feudal hierarchy of the Russian state, while the Mari proto-feudal elite had weak ties with the feudal structure of both states. Fourthly, the settlements of the Tatars, unlike the majority of the left-bank Mari, were located in relative proximity to Kazan, large rivers and other strategically important routes of communication, in an area where there were few natural barriers that could seriously complicate the movements of punitive troops; moreover, these were, as a rule, economically developed areas, attractive for feudal exploitation. Fifthly, as a result of the fall of Kazan in October 1552, perhaps the bulk of the most combat-ready part of the Tatar troops was destroyed; the armed detachments of the left bank Mari then suffered to a much lesser extent.

The resistance movement was suppressed as a result of large-scale punitive operations by the troops of Ivan IV. In a number of episodes, rebel actions took the form civil war and class struggle, but the main motive remained the struggle for the liberation of their land. The resistance movement ceased due to several factors: 1) continuous armed clashes with the tsarist troops, which brought countless casualties and destruction to the local population; 2) mass famine and plague epidemic that came from the Volga steppes; 3) the left bank Mari lost the support of their former allies - the Tatars and southern Udmurts. In May 1557, representatives of almost all groups of meadow and northwestern Mari took the oath to the Russian Tsar.

Cheremis wars of 1571 - 1574 and 1581 - 1585. Consequences of the annexation of the Mari to the Russian state

After the uprising of 1552 - 1557 The tsarist administration began to establish strict administrative and police control over the peoples of the Middle Volga region, but at first this was only possible on the Mountain Side and in the immediate vicinity of Kazan, while in most of the Meadow Side the power of the administration was nominal. The dependence of the local left-bank Mari population was expressed only in the fact that it paid a symbolic tribute and fielded soldiers from its midst who were sent to the Livonian War (1558 - 1583). Moreover, the meadow and northwestern Mari continued to raid Russian lands, and local leaders actively established contacts with the Crimean Khan with the aim of concluding an anti-Moscow military alliance. It is no coincidence that the Second Cheremis War of 1571 - 1574. began immediately after the campaign of the Crimean Khan Davlet-Girey, which ended with the capture and burning of Moscow. The causes of the Second Cheremis War were, on the one hand, the same factors that prompted the Volga peoples to start an anti-Moscow insurgency shortly after the fall of Kazan, on the other hand, the population, which was under the strictest control of the tsarist administration, was dissatisfied with the increase in the volume of duties, abuses and shameless arbitrariness of officials, as well as a streak of failures in the protracted Livonian War. Thus, in the second major uprising of the peoples of the Middle Volga region, national liberation and anti-feudal motives were intertwined. Another difference between the Second Cheremis War and the First was the relatively active intervention of foreign states - the Crimean and Siberian Khanates, the Nogai Horde and even Turkey. In addition, the uprising spread to neighboring regions, which by that time had already become part of Russia - the Lower Volga region and the Urals. With the help of a whole set of measures (peaceful negotiations with a compromise with representatives of the moderate wing of the rebels, bribery, isolation of the rebels from their foreign allies, punitive campaigns, construction of fortresses (in 1574, at the mouth of the Bolshaya and Malaya Kokshag, Kokshaysk was built, the first city in the territory modern Republic of Mari El)) the government of Ivan IV the Terrible managed to first split the rebel movement and then suppress it.

The next armed uprising of the peoples of the Volga and Urals region, which began in 1581, was caused by the same reasons as the previous one. What was new was that strict administrative and police supervision began to extend to the Lugovaya Side (the assignment of heads (“watchmen”) to the local population - Russian servicemen who exercised control, partial disarmament, confiscation of horses). The uprising began in the Urals in the summer of 1581 (an attack by the Tatars, Khanty and Mansi on the Stroganovs' possessions), then the unrest spread to the left-bank Mari, soon joined by the mountain Mari, Kazan Tatars, Udmurts, Chuvash and Bashkirs. The rebels blocked Kazan, Sviyazhsk and Cheboksary, made long campaigns deep into Russian territory - to Nizhny Novgorod, Khlynov, Galich. The Russian government was forced to urgently end the Livonian War, concluding a truce with the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth (1582) and Sweden (1583), and devote significant forces to pacifying the Volga population. The main methods of fighting against the rebels were punitive campaigns, the construction of fortresses (Kozmodemyansk was built in 1583, Tsarevokokshaisk in 1584, Tsarevosanchursk in 1585), as well as peace negotiations, during which Ivan IV, and after his death the actual Russian ruler Boris Godunov promised amnesty and gifts to those who wanted to stop resistance. As a result, in the spring of 1585, “they finished off the Sovereign Tsar and Grand Duke Fyodor Ivanovich of all Rus' with a centuries-old peace.”

The entry of the Mari people into the Russian state cannot be unambiguously characterized as evil or good. Both negative and positive consequences of entering Mari into the system of Russian statehood, closely intertwined with each other, began to manifest themselves in almost all spheres of social development. However Mari and other peoples of the Middle Volga region faced a generally pragmatic, restrained and even soft (compared to Western European) imperial policy of the Russian state.
This was due not only to fierce resistance, but also to the insignificant geographical, historical, cultural and religious distance between the Russians and the peoples of the Volga region, as well as those dating back to early Middle Ages traditions of multinational symbiosis, the development of which later led to what is usually called the friendship of peoples. The main thing is that, despite all the terrible shocks, Mari nevertheless survived as an ethnic group and became an organic part of the mosaic of the unique Russian super-ethnic group.

Materials used - Svechnikov S.K. Methodical manual "History of the Mari people of the 9th-16th centuries"

Yoshkar-Ola: GOU DPO (PK) With "Mari Institute of Education", 2005

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The question of the origin of the Mari people is still controversial. For the first time, a scientifically substantiated theory of the ethnogenesis of the Mari was expressed in 1845 by the famous Finnish linguist M. Castren. He tried to identify the Mari with the chronicle measures. This point of view was supported and developed by T.S. Semenov, I.N. Smirnov, S.K. Kuznetsov, A.A. Spitsyn, D.K. Zelenin, M.N. Yantemir, F.E. Egorov and many others researchers of the 2nd half of the 19th – 1st half of the 20th centuries. A new hypothesis was made in 1949 by the prominent Soviet archaeologist A.P. Smirnov, who came to the conclusion about the Gorodets (close to the Mordovians) basis; other archaeologists O.N. Bader and V.F. Gening at the same time defended the thesis about Dyakovsky (close to measure) origin of the Mari. Nevertheless, archaeologists were already able to convincingly prove that the Merya and Mari, although related to each other, are not the same people. At the end of the 1950s, when the permanent Mari archaeological expedition began to operate, its leaders A.Kh. Khalikov and G.A. Arkhipov developed a theory about the mixed Gorodets-Azelinsky (Volga-Finnish-Permian) basis of the Mari people. Subsequently, G.A. Arkhipov, developing this hypothesis further, during the discovery and study of new archaeological sites, proved that the mixed basis of the Mari was dominated by the Gorodets-Dyakovo (Volga-Finnish) component and the formation of the Mari ethnos, which began in the first half of the 1st millennium AD , generally ended in the 9th – 11th centuries, and even then the Mari ethnos began to be divided into two main groups - the mountain and meadow Mari (the latter, compared to the former, were more strongly influenced by the Azelin (Perm-speaking) tribes). This theory is generally supported by the majority of archaeological scientists working on this problem. Mari archaeologist V.S. Patrushev put forward a different assumption, according to which the formation of the ethnic foundations of the Mari, as well as the Meri and Muroms, took place on the basis of the Akhmylov-type population. Linguists (I.S. Galkin, D.E. Kazantsev), who rely on language data, believe that the territory of formation of the Mari people should be sought not in the Vetluzh-Vyatka interfluve, as archaeologists believe, but to the southwest, between the Oka and Suroy. Scientist-archaeologist T.B. Nikitina, taking into account data not only from archeology, but also from linguistics, came to the conclusion that the ancestral home of the Mari is located in the Volga part of the Oka-Sura interfluve and in Povetluzhie, and the advance to the east, to Vyatka, occurred in VIII - XI centuries, during which contact and mixing took place with the Azelin (Perm-speaking) tribes.

The origin of the ethnonyms “Mari” and “Cheremis”

The question of the origin of the ethnonyms “Mari” and “Cheremis” also remains complex and unclear. The meaning of the word “Mari”, the self-name of the Mari people, is derived by many linguists from the Indo-European term “mar”, “mer” in various sound variations (translated as “man”, “husband”). The word “Cheremis” (as the Russians called the Mari, and in a slightly different, but phonetically similar vowel, many other peoples) has a large number of different interpretations. The first written mention of this ethnonym (in the original “ts-r-mis”) is found in a letter from the Khazar Kagan Joseph to the dignitary of the Cordoba Caliph Hasdai ibn-Shaprut (960s). D.E. Kazantsev, following the historian of the 19th century. G.I. Peretyatkovich came to the conclusion that the name “Cheremis” was given to the Mari by the Mordovian tribes, and translated this word means “a person living on the sunny side, in the east.” According to I.G. Ivanov, “Cheremis” is “a person from the Chera or Chora tribe,” in other words, neighboring peoples subsequently extended the name of one of the Mari tribes to the entire ethnic group. The version of the Mari local historians of the 1920s and early 1930s, F.E. Egorov and M.N. Yantemir, is widely popular, who suggested that this ethnonym goes back to the Turkic term “warlike person.” F.I. Gordeev, as well as I.S. Galkin, who supported his version, defend the hypothesis about the origin of the word “Cheremis” from the ethnonym “Sarmatian” through the mediation of Turkic languages. A number of other versions were also expressed. The problem of the etymology of the word “Cheremis” is further complicated by the fact that in the Middle Ages (up to the 17th – 18th centuries) this was the name in a number of cases not only for the Mari, but also for their neighbors – the Chuvash and Udmurts.

Literature

For more details see: Svechnikov S.K. Toolkit"History of the Mari people of the 9th-16th centuries" Yoshkar-Ola: GOU DPO (PK) With "Mari Institute of Education", 2005

The Mari ethnic group was formed on the basis of the Finno-Ugric tribes that lived in the Volga-Vyatka interfluve in the 1st millennium AD. e. as a result of contacts with the Bulgars and other Turkic-speaking peoples, ancestors of modern Tatars, .

Russians used to call the Mari Cheremis. The Mari are divided into three main subethnic groups: mountain, meadow and eastern Mari. Since the 15th century the mountain Mari fell under Russian influence. Meadow Mari, who were part of the Kazan Khanate, for a long time put up fierce resistance to the Russians during the Kazan campaign of 1551-1552. they acted on the side of the Tatars. Some of the Mari moved to Bashkiria, not wanting to be baptized (eastern), the rest were baptized in the 16th-18th centuries.

In 1920, the Mari Autonomous Region was created, in 1936 - the Mari Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic, in 1992 - the Republic of Mari El. Currently, the mountain Mari inhabit the right bank of the Volga, the meadow Mari live in the Vetluzh-Vyatka interfluve, and the eastern Mari live east of the river. Vyatka is mainly in the territory of Bashkiria. Most Mari live in the Republic of Mari El, about a quarter - in Bashkiria, the rest - in Tataria, Udmurtia, Nizhny Novgorod, Kirov, Sverdlovsk, Perm regions. According to the 2002 census, more than 604 thousand Mari lived in the Russian Federation.

The basis of the Mari economy was arable farming. They have long grown rye, oats, barley, millet, buckwheat, hemp, flax, and turnips. Vegetable gardening was also developed; mainly onions, cabbage, radishes, carrots, and hops were planted; from the 19th century. Potatoes have become widespread.

The Mari cultivated the soil with a plow (shaga), a hoe (katman), and a Tatar plow (saban). Cattle breeding was not very developed, as evidenced by the fact that there was only enough manure for 3-10% of the arable land. If possible, they kept horses, cattle, and sheep. By 1917, 38.7% of Mari farms were uncultivated; a large role was played by beekeeping (then apiary beekeeping), fishing, as well as hunting and various forestry trades: tar smoking, logging and rafting, and hunting.

During hunting, the Mari until the middle of the 19th century. They used bows, spears, wooden traps, and flintlock guns. Okhodnik work at woodworking enterprises was developed on a large scale. Among the crafts, the Mari were engaged in embroidery, wood carving, and the production of women's silver jewelry. The main means of transportation in summer were four-wheeled carts (oryava), tarantasses and wagons, in winter - sleighs, firewood and skis.

In the second half of the 19th century. Mari settlements were of the street type; the dwelling was a log hut with a gable roof, built according to the Great Russian scheme: hut-canopy, hut-canopy-hut or hut-canopy-cage. The house had a Russian stove and a kitchen separated by a partition.

There were benches along the front and side walls of the house, in the front corner there was a table and chair especially for the owner of the house, shelves for icons and dishes, and on the side of the door there was a bed or bunk. In the summer, the Mari could live in summer house, which was a log building without a ceiling with a gable or pitched roof and an earthen floor. There was a hole in the roof for the smoke to escape. A summer kitchen was set up here. A fireplace with a hanging boiler was placed in the middle of the building. The outbuildings of an ordinary Mari estate included a cage, a cellar, a barn, a barn, a chicken coop, and a bathhouse. Wealthy Mari built two-story storerooms with a gallery-balcony. Food was stored on the first floor, and utensils were stored on the second.

The traditional dishes of the Mari were soup with dumplings, dumplings with meat or cottage cheese, boiled lard or blood sausage with cereal, dried horse meat sausage, puff pancakes, cheesecakes, boiled flat cakes, baked flat cakes, dumplings, pies with fillings of fish, eggs, potatoes , hemp seed. The Mari prepared their bread unleavened. The national cuisine is also characterized by specific dishes made from squirrel, hawk, eagle owl, hedgehog, snake, viper, and flour dried fish, hemp seed. Among the drinks, the Mari preferred beer, buttermilk (eran), and mead; they knew how to distill vodka from potatoes and grain.

The traditional clothing of the Mari is a tunic-shaped shirt, trousers, an open summer caftan, a hemp canvas waist towel, and a belt. In ancient times, the Mari sewed clothes from homespun linen and hemp fabrics, then from purchased fabrics.

Men wore felt hats with small brims and caps; For hunting and working in the forest, they used a headdress like a mosquito net. On their feet they wore bast shoes, leather boots, and felt boots. To work in swampy areas, wooden platforms were attached to shoes. Distinctive features of the women's national costume were an apron, waist pendants, chest, neck, and ear jewelry made of beads, cowrie shells, sparkles, coins, silver clasps, bracelets, and rings.

Married women wore various headdresses:

• shymaksh - a cone-shaped cap with an occipital blade, put on a birch bark frame;
• magpie, borrowed from the Russians;
• tarpan - head towel with headband.

Until the 19th century. The most common women's headdress was the shurka, a tall headdress on a birch bark frame, reminiscent of Mordovian headdresses. Outerwear was straight and gathered kaftans made of black or white cloth and fur coats. Traditional types of clothing are still worn today by the older generation of Mari; national costumes are often used in wedding rituals. Currently, modernized types of national clothing are widespread - a shirt made of white and an apron made of multi-colored fabric, decorated with embroidery and mites, belts woven from multi-colored threads, caftans made of black and green fabric.

Mari communities consisted of several villages. At the same time, there were mixed Mari-Russian and Mari-Chuvash communities. The Mari lived predominantly in small monogamous families, large families were quite rare.

In the old days, the Mari had small (urmat) and larger (nasyl) clan divisions, the latter being part of the rural community (mer). Upon marriage, the bride's parents were paid a ransom, and they gave a dowry (including livestock) for their daughter. The bride was often older than the groom. Everyone was invited to the wedding, and it took on the character of a general holiday. Wedding rituals still contain traditional features of the ancient customs of the Mari: songs, national costumes with decorations, a wedding train, the presence of everyone.

The Mari had a highly developed folk medicine, based on ideas about cosmic life force, the will of the gods, damage, the evil eye, evil spirits, and the souls of the dead. Before the adoption of Christianity, the Mari adhered to the cult of ancestors and gods: supreme god Kugu Yumo, gods of the sky, mother of life, mother of water and others. An echo of these beliefs was the custom of burying the dead in winter clothes (in winter hat and mittens) and take the bodies to the cemetery in a sleigh even in the summer.

According to tradition, nails collected during life, rosehip branches, and a piece of canvas were buried along with the deceased. The Mari believed that in the next world nails would be needed to overcome mountains, clinging to rocks, rose hips would help drive away the snake and dog guarding the entrance to the kingdom of the dead, and along a piece of canvas, like a bridge, the souls of the dead would cross to the afterlife.

In ancient times, the Mari were pagans. They accepted the Christian faith in the 16th-18th centuries, but despite all the efforts of the church, the religious views of the Mari remained syncretic: a small part of the Eastern Mari converted to Islam, and the rest remain faithful to pagan rites to this day.

Mari mythology is characterized by the presence of a large number of female gods. There are at least 14 deities denoting mother (ava), which indicates strong remnants of matriarchy. The Mari performed pagan collective prayers in sacred groves under the guidance of priests (cards). In 1870, a modernist-pagan sect, Kugu Sorta, arose among the Mari. Until the beginning of the twentieth century. Ancient customs were strong among the Mari, for example, when divorcing, a husband and wife who wanted to divorce were first tied with a rope, which was then cut. This was the whole ritual of divorce.

In recent years, the Mari have been making attempts to revive ancient national traditions and customs and have united in public organizations. The largest of them are “Oshmari-Chimari”, “Mari Ushem”, and the Kugu Sorta (Big Candle) sect.

The Mari speak the Mari language of the Finno-Ugric group Ural family. The Mari language is divided into mountain, meadow, eastern and northwestern dialects. The first attempts to create writing were made in the middle of the 16th century; in 1775, the first grammar in Cyrillic was published. In 1932-34. an attempt was made to switch to the Latin script. Since 1938, a unified graphics in the Cyrillic alphabet has been established. The literary language is based on the language of the meadow and mountain Mari.

Mari folklore is characterized mainly by fairy tales and songs. There is no single epic. Musical instruments are represented by a drum, a harp, a flute, a wooden trumpet (puch) and some others.