What types of Slavic peoples are divided into? Slavs - a family of related peoples

DEFINITION OF THE CONCEPT Anschluss (German Anschluss accession, union) the inclusion of Austria into Germany, which took place in March 1938. The independence of Austria was restored in April 1945, after its occupation by the Allied forces during the Second World War, and was legalized State contract 1955, prohibiting the Anschluss.

BACKGROUND After the collapse of Austria-Hungary as a result of the First World War, two large German states appeared on the political map: Germany and Austria. The latter was considered an unviable and artificial formation due to its small size and the loss of basic industrial capacities and agricultural land. The reunification movement was very strong on both sides, especially in the immediate aftermath of the war, but it was artificially restrained by the victorious countries.

BACKGROUND With Hitler's rise to power in Germany, the Anschluss became part of the official course of German foreign policy. Agents of the Nazi regime were infiltrated into all government structures of Austria. At the same time, in Austria itself, the idea of ​​an Anschluss with the Nazi dictatorship began to cause active rejection. In October 1933, the Anschluss clause was removed from the program of the Austrian Social Democrats.

BACKGROUND On July 25, 1934, around noon, 154 Austrian SS men from the 89th Austrian SS Battalion, dressed in the uniform of the Austrian Civil Guard, burst into the chancellery and captured Chancellor Dollfuss, demanding that he resign so that A could become the new chancellor Rintelen. Dolphus, who was seriously injured, categorically refused. Dolphus died a few hours later, but never broke his oath. By evening it became known that Mussolini, who had openly supported Dollfuss, had mobilized five divisions in response to the coup attempt, which immediately moved through the Brenner Pass to the Austrian border. At 19:00 the rebels were forced to surrender.

UNDER GERMAN CONTROL On February 12, 1938, Chancellor Schuschnigg was summoned to Hitler’s Berchtesgaden residence, where, under the threat of an immediate military invasion, he was forced to sign a three-point ultimatum presented to him, which actually put the country under German control and turned it practically into a province of the Third Reich:

ULTIMATUM 123 The leader of the Austrian Nazis, Arthur Seyss-Inquart, was appointed Minister of the Interior and Chief of the Detective Police, which provided the Nazis with complete control over the Austrian police; A new political amnesty was announced for Nazis convicted of various crimes; The Austrian Nazi Party joined the Patriotic Front.

ANSCHLUS OF AUSTRIA On March 13 at 7 p.m., Hitler solemnly entered Vienna, accompanied by the Chief of the Supreme High Command armed forces Germany (OKW) Wilhelm Keitel. On the same day, the law “On the reunification of Austria with the German Empire” was published, according to which Austria was declared “one of the lands of the German Empire” and henceforth began to be called “Ostmark”.

CONSEQUENCES By annexing Austria, Hitler received a strategic springboard for the capture of Czechoslovakia and a further offensive in Southeast Europe and the Balkans, sources of raw materials, human resources and military production. As a result of the Anschluss, the territory of Germany increased by 17%, the population by 10% (by 6.7 million people). The Wehrmacht included 6 divisions formed in Austria.

CONSEQUENCES A number of Hitler's measures turned out to be painful for Austrian patriotism. So, Hitler officially abolished the name “Austria” (Österreich literally “Eastern Reich”), due to the fact that there is now only one Reich, and replaced it with the ancient name Ostmark (“Eastern Mark”), known since the time of Charlemagne, and since 1942 For the territories of the former Austria, the concept of Alpine and Danube Reichsgau began to be used. The Catholic Church, which had great influence in Austria, was also persecuted. Nevertheless, the Austrians were generally loyal to Hitler until the fall of the Third Reich.

After the Austrian government, under pressure and an ultimatum from the German side, was forced to resign, on March 11, 1938, Austrian Chancellor Kurt von Schuschnin addressed the nation on radio in the evening. He announced the resignation of his government and the transfer of control of the country to the Nazi protege Seyss-Inquart. The second part of the appeal concerned the call for the Austrian army, which should not offer resistance if German troops crossed the border and entered Austrian territory. Shortly before midnight, the country's president also bowed to pressure and agreed to a new chancellor. An official appeal was created on behalf of the new government to German troops to enter the country to maintain order, which the new chancellor, who supposedly wrote it, learned about after the fact.

On the night of March 11-12, 1938 German troops crossed the border according to a previously secretly developed plan, which was to be carried out regardless of the internal decisions of Austria. The Austrian army offered no resistance. The first high-ranking German official to arrive in Vienna was Heinrich Himmler, accompanied by his intelligence and SS men. Adolf Hitler himself arrived in Vienna on the evening of March 13, 1938, and the next day he was greeted with applause by crowds of people in the city. Over the next few days, after the Anschluss of Austria, the Nazis staged whole line events, including speeches by Adolf Hitler to the Austrian people, who now became part of the Third Reich. I visited all the main sites of these parades and performances and took photographs from the same angles that became a famous part of the history of such an event as Anschluss of Austria.

Banner with Swastika March 11

On the evening of March 11, 1938, after the Austrian people, tired of expectations and the information war, were informed on the radio about the resignation of the government and the upcoming annexation to Germany (Anschluss of Austria), local Nazis took to the streets. The first Nazi symbol to be displayed on a government building in Austria was the swastika on the Chancellery building on Ballhausplatz. The flag was installed on the balcony above the main entrance. Also on the facade of the chancellery, where Chancellor Schuschning was still located, a banner was installed with the inscription: DURCH KAMPF ZUM ZIEG, which translates as “Through struggle to victory”.

After the Anschluss of Austria, this building housed the Nazi puppet government under the leadership of Seyss-Anquart until it was abolished on April 30, 1939. Until the very end of the war and the liberation of the country, the building housed the Nazi administration. The Chancellery building was heavily damaged during the bombing in the spring of 1945 and restored to its former architectural appearance in 1950. Today you can compare a photo with a flag and a living building and see virtually no differences.

Banner on the Loza House

Soon after the Anschluss of Austria by Germany, new symbols or banners with inscriptions appeared on a number of buildings in Vienna, not only government ones. One of these was placed above the facade of the famous Lohse building at Michaelerplatz 3 - named after its architect. The inscription on the fabric read GLEICHES BLUT GEHORT IN EIN GEMEINSAMES REICH, which translates as "One blood belongs to the united Reich". The subtext was the idea that the inhabitants of Germany and Austria belonged to the same historical nation and their unification was an important event.

The Looshaus building in Vienna was damaged during bombing back in 1944, but was subsequently restored. At one time there was a furniture store there, and in 1987 the building was bought by Raiffeisenbank, which is still located there today. The facade and characteristic columns have remained almost unchanged since 1938.

Hitler's speech at the Hofburg

On March 15, 1938, two days after the beginning of the Anschluss of Austria by Germany, a number of events took place on the streets of the city of Vienna, carried out by the Nazis. The most important thing was the pompous speech of Adolf Hitler from the balcony of the former residence of the Habsburgs - the Hofburg Palace. A huge crowd of Viennese gathered on the Heldenplatz (Heroes' Square) adjacent to the palace - several hundred thousand people filled all the free space and some of them even climbed the two monuments standing here - Prince Eugene and Archduke Charles. Hitler gave a pathetic speech about the future of a united Germany and his homeland of Austria, which was destined for a glorious fate.

Military parades in Vienna

On March 15-16, 1938, German troops and SS units paraded through the central streets of Vienna, along the same Ringstrasse where Adolf Hitler once loved to walk and admire the architecture of the city.

Hitler hosted a military parade along the city's Ringstrassse. He and his entourage gathered at the Maria-Theresien-Platz between the Museums of Natural History and the Arts. German troops marched past Hitler, as well as tanks and 105 mm guns.

Units of the Austrian army, which after the Anschluss of Austria swore allegiance to the new government, marched in formation past the Parliament building, where Adolf Hitler once received an idea of ​​​​democracy.

On March 16, 1938, units of the Austrian SS, now officially formed, marched along the same Heldenplatz square near the Hofburg Palace where Adolf Hitler had spoken the day before.

Laying flowers at the Austrian Army Monument

On the same day, March 15, 1938, Adolf Hitler took part in another part of the ceremonial festivities in Vienna. Hitler ceremoniously laid a wreath on the Austrian Army Monument dedicated to the First World War and then only World War. This place is located just behind the Heldenplatz arch, near the Hofburg Palace.

A month after the Anschluss of Austria, Adolf Hitler returned to Vienna to celebrate the upcoming elections of the Austrian people, who would vote and give their consent to Anschluss of Austria. The day before, according to Nazi data, 99.75% of people made this decision, Hitler drove his car convoy through the city. The main part of this event was his passage from Burgtheater to city Vienna Town Hall (Rathaus), between which there are only about 200 meters. At the entrance, Hitler was greeted by Austrian nationalists and inside the Town Hall he gave a fiery speech about recent and upcoming events.

Hotel Imperial

During his stay in Vienna in March 1938, Adolf Hitler stayed at a hotel in the central part of the city - Hotel Imperial at Kartner Ring 16. Hitler stayed in a small apartment on the ground floor, but everyone knows the footage where he is shown to the audience gathered below 14 and March 20 on the second floor balcony. In one of the photos next to him is Joseph Goebbels, in the other is Heinrich Himmler. To the Imperial Hotel, built in 1862-1865. Hitler also returned in April for a second visit to Vienna, on the eve of the Plebiscite. After the war, the premises of the Imperial Hotel were occupied by Soviet occupation forces. In subsequent decades, the Imperial Hotel was visited by US President John Fitzgerald Kennedy and Nikita Khrushchev, Richard Nixon, Queen Elizabeth II and a number of other dignitaries.

Hitler in the Belvedere in 1941

On March 1, 1941, Adolf Hitler attended the ceremony of Bulgaria signing a pact with the Axis countries on joining the so-called Tripartite Pact. Representatives from Japan and Italy were also present. These events took place in the luxurious Belvedere Palace, which has changed little since that time.

Anschluss in Linz

Adolf Hitler pompously entered Austria on March 12, 1938, to travel in convoy across the country and visit the places of his childhood and youth. He moved from West to East and before he entered Vienna on the evening of March 13, he managed to visit several cities where this was celebrated as an important event. After visiting his hometown of Branau, where Adolf Hitler was born in 1889, the Fuhrer's car column proceeded to Linz, where Hitler spent the years from 1899 to 1907, where his parents are buried in the suburb of Leonding. After visiting Leonding, the column headed to the city of Linz itself, where Hitler was greeted pompously by the Austrians, residents of the city who supported the Anschluss of Austria.

The column proceeded through main square the city of Hauptplatz, which on the same day was renamed Adolf-Hitler-Platz (Adolf Hitler Square). Several thousand residents of Linz came out to greet the German Chancellor. A little more than a month later, on April 20, 1938, city authorities organized lavish celebrations in the main square and a parade to mark Hitler's 49th birthday.

On the evening of the same day, March 12, 1938, Hitler gave a fiery speech standing on the balcony Linz City Hall. He proclaimed the unification of Austria and Germany into one, which would become a centuries-old empire. The square was filled with people wanting to see Hitler and some of them even climbed onto the local statue of 1723 to get a better view.

Nibelungbrucke Bridge

When the Anschluss of Austria took place in March 1938, and Hitler's column proceeded to the city of Linz, it drove to the main square of Hauptplatz across the bridge, which Adolf Hitler had already decided to replace. He had big plans for Linz, where he was going to live out his old age, after fulfilling, as it seemed to him, his historical mission. The former bridge was blown up and thrown across the Danube Nibelung Bridge.

The bridge, which remains a relic of Linz's Nazi past, has been preserved almost exactly the same. Only after the war were two statues removed from it: Kriemhild and Siegfried.

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Anschluss between Austria and Germany- the incorporation of Austria into Germany, which took place on March 12-13, 1938.

After the collapse of Austria-Hungary as a result of the First World War, two large German states appeared on the political map: Germany and Austria. The latter was considered an unviable and artificial formation due to its small size and the loss of basic industrial capacities and agricultural land. The reunification movement was very strong on both sides, especially in the immediate aftermath of the war, but it was artificially restrained by the victorious countries. The texts of the Treaties of Versailles and Saint-Germain (1919) and the Geneva Protocols (October 1922) contained articles prohibiting the Anschluss. In March 1931, the governments of Germany and Austria proposed a customs union. However, the victorious countries opposed this.

With Hitler coming to power in Germany, the Anschluss became part of the official course of German foreign policy. Agents of the Nazi regime were infiltrated into all government structures of Austria. At the same time, in Austria itself, the idea of ​​an Anschluss with the Nazi dictatorship began to cause active rejection.

On February 12, 1938, Chancellor Schuschnigg was summoned to Hitler’s Berchtesgaden residence, where, under the threat of an immediate military invasion, he was forced to sign a three-point ultimatum presented to him, which actually put the country under German control and turned it practically into a province of the Third Reich:

the leader of the Austrian Nazis, Arthur Seyss-Inquart, was appointed Minister of the Interior and Chief of the Detective Police, which provided the Nazis with complete control over the Austrian police;

a new political amnesty was announced for Nazis convicted of various crimes;

The Austrian Nazi Party joined the Fatherland Front.

Trying to seize the initiative, on March 9, Schuschnigg announced a plebiscite on the issue of Austrian independence for the coming Sunday, March 13, 1938. The only question on it should have been: do the people want to have a “free and German, independent and social, Christian and own Austria,” and the forms should contain only a “yes” circle. When announcing the plebiscite, Schuschnigg neglected the consultation with his own government prescribed by the constitution, and therefore Seyss-Inquart and Vice-Chancellor Gleise-Horstenau announced to the Chancellor that they considered the plebiscite to be contrary to the constitution.

Fearing that the idea of ​​unification would be rejected by the plebiscite, Hitler responded to the announcement of the plebiscite by ordering the mobilization of the 8th Army intended to invade Austria.

On the night of March 11-12, 1938, German troops, previously concentrated on the border in accordance with the Otto plan, entered Austrian territory.

The Austrian army, having received orders not to resist, capitulated. On March 13 at 7 p.m., Hitler triumphantly entered Vienna. On the same day, the law “On the reunification of Austria with the German Empire” was published, according to which Austria was declared “one of the lands of the German Empire” and henceforth began to be called “Ostmark”. Speaking on March 15 at Vienna's Hofburg Palace to people gathered at Heldenplatz, Seyss-Inquart proclaimed Hitler "Protector of the Crown," and Hitler himself declared: "I announce to the German people the most important mission of my life."

On April 10, a plebiscite on the Anschluss took place in Germany and Austria. According to official data, in Germany 99.08% of residents voted for Anschluss, in Austria - 99.75%.

By annexing Austria, Hitler received a strategic springboard for the capture of Czechoslovakia and a further offensive in South-Eastern Europe and the Balkans, sources of raw materials, human resources and military production. As a result of the Anschluss, the territory of Germany increased by 17%, the population by 10% (by 6.7 million people). The Wehrmacht included 6 divisions formed in Austria.

The policy of "appeasement". Munich Agreement 1938 After the Anschluss of Austria, Nazi Germany began to prepare for the seizure of Czechoslovakia. The so-called Sudeten crisis was artificially created. In the Sudetenland of Czechoslovakia, the majority of the population were Germans. Hitler demanded the separation of this region from Czechoslovakia and its annexation to Germany. Czechoslovakia's resistance to these demands was seriously weakened by the position of England and France, who advised the Czechoslovak government to make concessions. Hitler's agents operated in the Sudetenland under the guise of the Sudeten-German party. Chamberlain's British government hoped to overcome the political crisis that had arisen by making concessions to Germany at the expense of Czechoslovakia. This was the essence of the policy of “appeasement.” Its far-reaching goal is to direct German expansion to the east. The Western powers refused to help Czechoslovakia. In September 1938, the People's Commissar for Foreign Affairs of the USSR M. M. Litvinov stated that the USSR was ready to fulfill its obligations to assist Czechoslovakia under the 1935 treaty, even if France refused to fulfill its obligation to assist Czechoslovakia. However, under pressure from England and France, the Czechoslovak government was forced to accept German demands. The surrender of Czechoslovakia was formalized at a meeting of the head of the British government, Chamberlain, the head of the French government, Daladier, and the fascist dictators Mussolini and Hitler in Munich on September 29, 1938. There was no Czechoslovak representative at the meeting. The fate of this country was decided by four powers. According to the adopted agreement, Czechoslovakia was obliged to transfer the Sudetenland with all the structures there to Germany within ten days. This meant the separation from Czechoslovakia of one fifth of its territory, a quarter of the population, the bulk of heavy and military industry, etc. The Czechoslovak government announced the acceptance of the Munich Agreement. In historical literature, this event was called the “Munich Agreement.” True, Germany promised England and France that from now on all controversial issues would be resolved through negotiations. However, these promises, recorded in the relevant declarations by Germany, were grossly violated.

On March 15, 1939, German troops occupied the Czech Republic and Moravia, and created a pro-fascist regime in Slovakia. Following the absorption of Czechoslovakia, Germany demanded the city of Danzig from Poland. In April 1939, Germany's ally Italy invaded Albania. These were the immediate results of the “appeasement” policy. In the spring of 1939, the danger of this policy for its initiators themselves finally began to be realized. A real danger looms over humanity of the establishment of world hegemony by Germany and Japan, who have agreed to divide spheres of influence in the West and East of the Eurasian continent.

44. non-aggression pact

After the Munich agreement, Germany foresaw the possibility of a turn in the USSR's foreign policy towards it. Germany, in connection with the current foreign policy situation in the spring of 1939, was interested in disrupting the Anglo-French-Soviet negotiations (Moscow, June-August 1939), ensuring the neutrality of the USSR before attacking Poland. And Stalin’s distrust of Western democracies and delays on the part of England and France during negotiations led to a change in the foreign policy course of the USSR.

Secret Soviet-German negotiations intensified. The first mention of the possibility of consolidating Soviet-German relations took place in a conversation between Ribbentrop and the head of the legal department of the German Foreign Ministry in May 1939, immediately after Chamberlain’s statement about the Anglo-French-Soviet negotiations.

During the secret Soviet-German contacts, conversations were conducted in general form, the terms of the Soviet-German rapprochement, the contours of the non-aggression pact and the delimitation of the spheres of influence of the two countries in Eastern and South-Eastern Europe were agreed upon, against the backdrop of Anglo-French-Soviet negotiations going on simultaneously, the disruption of which was Berlin’s main goal. In connection with the positive developments in these negotiations, the German side stated to the Soviet attorney in Germany Astakhov that Germany was ready to agree on any issues and give any guarantees. The Soviet side showed special caution.

The final agreement was reached on August 23-24 during Ribbentrop's visit to Moscow. The most heated debate was on the issue of delimiting spheres of interest. The Soviet-German non-aggression pact was signed on the night of August 23-24: it was concluded for a period of 10 years, the neutrality of Germany and the USSR was provided for in the event of military conflicts of one of the parties with third countries, the parties pledged to refrain from any attack on each other. At the same time, a secret additional protocol was signed on the delimitation of spheres of interest: Germany renounced claims to Ukraine, dominance in the Baltic states, and plans for expansion into those areas of Eastern and South-Eastern Europe where this could pose a danger to the USSR; In the event of a war between Germany and Poland, Germany undertook that German troops would not invade Latvia, Estonia, Finland, Bessarabia, and, having entered Poland, would not advance further than the Narev, Vistula, and San rivers.

There was a turn in Soviet foreign policy towards appeasement of Germany, which had previously been carried out by England and France with the neutrality of the United States.

The agreement and the secret protocol became the legal and political basis for further development Soviet-German relations.

45. civil war in Spain

Spanish Civil War July 1936 - March 1939 - the right rebelled against the Popular Front Republic. Germany and Italy intervened, the purpose of the intervention was to defeat the anti-fascist Popular Front in Spain. England and France proclaimed a policy of non-interference in Spanish affairs and signed 27 states. The Popular Front was supported by over 35 thousand people from 54 countries, and 7 international brigades were organized.

During the civil war, the Popular Front government continued to implement its program. From the state employees who were disloyal to the republic were fired; to replace the disbanded civil guard, a people's militia was organized; reform took place in the diplomatic service; The previous judicial bodies were liquidated and new ones were created.

A decree was issued on the confiscation of rebel property. Mines, mines, military industry, railways, road and sea transport were nationalized.

Trade unions controlled enterprises. State control was established over banks and foreign companies.

The lands of the rebels were nationalized and transferred free of charge to the peasants, the lands of the tenants were transferred to their use.

The decrees of the Popular Front did not apply to the territories occupied by the Francoists.

The Popular Front actively fought against illiteracy - schools, libraries, and cultural centers were opened. IN major cities Universities were created, and scholarships were paid to needy students.

Deep radical measures strengthened the desire of the right to put an end to the Popular Front as quickly as possible.

Indeed, while the Western powers were making concessions to the fascist countries, the latter were gaining power and were preparing to seize the initiative in international politics. In 1938, Germany took more active action in the Austrian issue. In January 1938, Goering informed the Austrian Secretary of State Schmidt that the Anschluss was inevitable. When the latter proposed regulating Austro-German relations on a reasonable basis, Goering said that if the Austrians did not like the word “annexation,” they could call it “partnership.”

Meanwhile, Nazi conspirators were arrested by the police in Vienna. Law enforcement officers seized documents that were called “Tafs papers.” They contained instructions from Hitler’s deputy in the party, R. Hess, to the leaders of the Austrian Nazis Leopold and Tafs: “The general situation in Germany shows that the time has come for action in Austria. England is busy with the conflict in the Middle East, moreover, it is still embroiled in the Abyssinian crisis and the Spanish conflict, which poses a threat to Gibraltar. France is unable to take decisive action due to internal social problems, the difficult economic situation and the uncertainty of the Spanish situation. Czechoslovakia is located in difficult situation due to the sharp increase in the activity of the party, the Slovak and Hungarian minorities, as well as the weakening position of France in Europe. Yugoslavia fears the restoration of the monarchy, which will revive the old conflict between the Serbs, Croats and Slovenes, it welcomes any action that will once and for all remove the question of the restoration of the Habsburgs in Austria. Finally, Italy's position has been weakened by the war in Ethiopia and the Spanish conflict to such an extent that it now depends on German friendship and will not actively oppose any action that does not affect its immediate vital interests. The new Brenner border guarantees are expected to ensure Mussolini's neutrality."

At the end of January, in the hope of regulating Austro-German relations, the Austrian Chancellor K. von Schuschnigg, who replaced Dollfuss, who was killed by the Nazis in 1934, informed Papen of his intention to meet with Hitler. Schuschnigg agreed to the meeting subject to a number of conditions:

• 1. He must be invited by Hitler;
• 2. He must be informed in advance of the issues brought up for discussion and must receive confirmation that the agreement of July 11, 1936 will remain in force;
• 3. Hitler must coordinate with me (A.N. Schuschnigg) a communiqué following the meeting, which will confirm the agreement of July 11.”

Papen approved of Schuschnigg's initiative, but, arriving in Berlin at the height of changes in the Nazi leadership, he did not find support for his initiative from Hitler.

Papen was soon relieved of his post as ambassador in Vienna, but Hitler suddenly changed his mind and instructed him to organize a meeting with Schuschnigg.

Papen conveyed Hitler's words to Schuschnigg: "Hitler invites you to a meeting in Berchtesgaden to discuss all the differences resulting from the agreement of July 11, 1936 between the two nations. This agreement between Austria and Germany will be maintained and confirmed. Hitler agrees to accept your proposals and issue a joint communiqué, which will include the agreement of July 11, 1936." Schuschnigg informed the Austrian cabinet of his decision to go to Germany. In addition, Mussolini, the British and French ambassadors, as well as the papal nuncio.

On February 12, 1938, Papen, Schuschnigg and State Secretary of the Austrian Foreign Ministry Schmidt arrived at Hitler's Villa Berghof, near Berchtesgaden. Already the first conversation between Hitler and Schuschnigg had the character of an ultimatum. For two hours, Hitler spoke to the Austrian Chancellor about his incorrect - un-German - policy and in conclusion said that he had decided to resolve the Austrian question one way or another, even if this would require the use of military force. He assured Schuschnigg that Austria could not count on the support of any power. “Don’t believe that anyone in the world can prevent this! Italy? I’m not worried about Mussolini, I have close friendship with Italy. England? She won’t lift a finger for Austria... France? Two years ago we entered the Rhineland zone with a handful of soldiers, then I risked everything. But now the time of France has passed. Until now, I achieved everything I wanted!"

A few hours later, the Austrian delegation led by Schuschnigg was received by the Reich Foreign Minister J. von Ribbentrop. In the presence of Papen, she was given a draft agreement - “the limit of the concessions made by the Fuhrer,” as Ribbentrop said. The project contained the following requirements:

• 1. Appoint the leader of the Austrian Nazis A. Seyss-Inquart as Minister of Public Security with the rights of complete and unlimited control over the police forces of Austria;
• 2. Another National Socialist G. Fischbeck - member of the government on issues of Austro-German economic relations and related areas;
• 3. Release all imprisoned Nazis, stop legal cases against them, including those involved in the murder of Dollfuss;
• 4. Restore them to positions and rights;
• 5. Accept 100 German officers for service in the Austrian army and send the same number of Austrian officers to the German army;
• 6. Grant the Nazis freedom of propaganda, accept them into the Fatherland Front on an equal basis with its other components;
• 7. For all this, the German government is ready to confirm the agreement of July 11, 1936 - “to again declare recognition of the independence of Austria and non-interference in its internal affairs.”

During the negotiations, Schuschnigg only achieved agreement that Fischbeck should be appointed not a member of the government, but a federal commissioner; the number of officers to be exchanged for service in the armies of both states should be at least 100.

Go in two queues, 50 people each. After this, Schuschnigg was again brought to Hitler, and the latter stated that there was nothing more to discuss the document, it must be accepted without changes, otherwise he, Hitler, would decide what to do during the night. When Schuschnigg replied that only President V. Miklas could grant an amnesty and that the three-day period could not be met, Hitler lost his temper and left the room. Half an hour later, Hitler again received the Austrians and told them that for the first time in his life he had changed his mind. Schuschnigg was asked to sign the document and report it to the president. Hitler gave three more days for all demands to be fulfilled, saying: “Otherwise things will take their natural course.” On the same day, February 12, 1938, Schuschnigg signed the agreement without further discussion.

Returning from the meeting, the Austrian chancellor said: “I fought with a madman for ten hours.” Schuschnigg calls the remaining four weeks after the Berchtesgaden meeting Austria's time of agony. The agreement of February 12, 1938, imposed by Hitler on Austria and marking the beginning of the end of its independence, did not meet with protest from Western democracies, although European diplomats were well aware of the nature and results of the “conversation” between Hitler and Schuschnigg. Thus, the French ambassador in Berlin, after a conversation with Ribbentrop, reported to the head of the French Ministry of Foreign Affairs, I. Delbos, that the meeting of the two chancellors in Berchtesgaden was “only a stage on the path to Germany’s absorption of Austria.”

Hitler continued to convince Paris that the solution to the Austrian issue would serve as an impetus for improving Franco-German relations. The French Ambassador to Germany, A. Francois-Poncet, responded by emphasizing France's great interest in this issue. He told Hitler that "the French government will be happy with anything that strengthens existing world, everything that will contribute to ensuring the independence and integrity of Austria." The Austrian government itself informed the friendly powers that the agreement of February 12, 1938, did not change the essence of the agreement of July 11, 1936.

Based on all this, Delbos said that there was no reason for France to protest the Berchtesgaden Agreement.

The Reich Ambassador to France, J. von Welczek, wrote to Berlin that it seemed that Paris did not have a clear plan of action regarding the Austrian events. “In France,” the ambassador wrote, “they do not see a moral basis for active opposition to German plans. Austrian independence was guaranteed by the Stresa Front and the League of Nations - both institutions are now practically dead. Paris is unlikely to decide on any actions that do not have a legal basis basis Many people in France already say "Fini Austriae".

• On February 18, a new telegram arrived in Paris from the embassy in Berlin. François-Poncet reported that Ribbentrop again told him that the Austrian problem concerned only Germany and Austria, and that Berlin would regard “as unacceptable interference any initiative by a third party.”
• On February 18, a message from the United States arrived in Paris, in which the charge d'affaires noted that the US government would not intervene in the German-Austrian conflict on Austria's side. There was growing concern in France about the threat to Austrian independence. Under pressure from these sentiments, on February 18, the French government invited Chamberlain to make a joint demarche in Berlin. It was to emphasize the importance of Austrian sovereignty for peace and the balance of power in Europe and stated that any attempt on the part of Germany to change the status quo in Central Europe by force would be met with decisive resistance from the Western powers. Delbos proposed that the British government, together with the French cabinet, make a special statement in Berlin before February 20.

Meanwhile, on February 20, 1938, Hitler made a speech in the Reichstag in which, expressing satisfaction with the signing of the agreement on February 12 with Austria and thanking Schuschnigg for solidarity in matters of policy of both countries, he again threateningly recalled: “Only two states adjacent to our borders cover "A mass of ten million Germans. A world power, full of its own dignity, cannot long tolerate the fact that the Germans who stand on its side are subjected to severe suffering because of their sympathies or because of their close attachment to their people."

The French "Tan" reacted to Hitler's speech in the following way: “The Fuhrer spoke of the “spirit of mutual understanding.” Schuschnigg said that everything in Berchtesgaden was done “for the sake of peace.” But what kind of world can be based on a ruthlessly imposed dictate?”

The British Times criticized its own government for abandoning its interests in Central and Eastern Europe.

On February 23, in a conversation with German Foreign Minister K. von Neurath, Fracois-Ponce warned the German minister that France could not agree with the annexation of Austria by the Reich, whose independence was guaranteed by international treaties. In response, Neurath said that he did not see it possible for France to interfere in what he considered internal matter Germany. In response to the French ambassador's remark that an 80 million Reich in the center of Europe would threaten the security of France and the entire balance of power in Europe, Neurath noted that the same could be said about the mobilization of blacks from French colonies to create military superiority in Europe. When François-Poncet said that in order to restore the balance of power, France would have to once again get closer to the Soviet Union, Neurath only wished him good luck in this endeavor.

Meanwhile, Schuschnigg decided to give a response to Hitler's speech. On February 24, he made a radio address to the Austrian people. Analyzing the agreements of July 11, 1936, and February 12, 1938, he stated that there could be no more concessions.

The ruling circles of European states understood Schuschnigg's speech as a will to resist, and Hitler's speech as a threat to stop at nothing, even before a war with Austria. The Italian dictator B. Mussolini, who received a copy of the text of the speech of the Austrian Chancellor even before the speech itself, assessed it positively. French politician E. Herriot admitted that Schuschnigg's speech made him cry.

On February 25, at the Foreign Office, French Ambassador Charles Corbin was presented with a memorandum containing the British government's response to the French request. In it, the French government was reproached for the fact that its proposals on the Austrian question were exposed only as verbal formulas, “not supported by indications of specific actions.” The British cabinet, for its part, indicated that after the “agreement” reached on February 12 between Hitler and Schuschnigg, events in Austria could take on the character of a “normal evolution.” The German ambassador in Paris, Welczek, wrote to Neurath that the British Foreign Secretary Eden had advocated taking decisive action regarding the situation in Central Europe, but had met with stiff opposition from Chamberlain, for whom the region and Austria were only part of the Anglo-Italian relationship.

There were serious differences between Eden and Chamberlain on foreign policy issues. As a result, on February 21, 1938, the head of the Foreign Office was forced to leave his post. Eden's departure instilled even more confidence in Hitler. Berlin felt that since Chamberlain was ready to sacrifice his own Foreign Secretary to appease dictators, they should not fear decisive action from Great Britain. After a conversation with the British ambassador in Vienna, Papen reported to Hitler that “Eden’s resignation took place not so much because of his position regarding Italy, but because of his readiness to identify with France on the Austrian issue.”

Eden's resignation removed the last obstacle to British appeasement. The new Foreign Minister, Lord Halifax, saw no point in a joint Anglo-French demarche in support of Austrian independence. The British government refused to give any warning to Hitler even verbally and stubbornly sought to “solve” the Austrian problem on the basis of the provisions that Halifax expressed to Hitler on November 19, 1937. The level of stability of the Versailles system was rapidly decreasing.

On March 2, Delbos sent a note to Corbin in response to the British memorandum of February 25, which expressed regret over the refusal of the British government to issue a joint warning to Berlin on the Austrian question. It stated that “the Western powers’ avoidance of joint action inspired the Reich government to take new measures towards the implementation of the German plan for Austria.”

On the same day that Corbin handed the note to Halifax, on March 3, the British Ambassador Henderson tried to find out Hitler's intentions. Hitler stated that “in the settlement of her relations with kindred countries or with countries with a large German population, Germany will not allow third powers to interfere... If England continues to oppose German attempts to bring about a fair and reasonable settlement here, then the moment will come when will have to fight... If they ever shoot at the Germans in Austria or Czechoslovakia, the German Empire will immediately intervene... If there are explosions from within in Austria or Czechoslovakia, Germany will not remain neutral, but will act with lightning speed.”

On March 6, the British press directly raised the question of the advisability of British support for Austria. The author of the article asked whether Austria is a harmonious state. “This raises great doubts. A significant part of the population is actively demanding a closer union with the Reich. Conflict will mean war. This is a family affair of the German race. We have nothing to do there,” noted one of the most influential British periodicals.

At the same time, in order to strengthen his position against Hitler's claims, Schuschnigg decided to hold a popular plebiscite on the issue of the country's independence.

On March 9, 1938, Schuschnigg, in a speech delivered over the radio in Innsbruck, announced a vote on March 13 “for a free and German, independent and social, Christian and united Austria.” Declaring his intention to hold a plebiscite, Schuschnigg did not consult with representatives of Western democracies. At the same time, the chancellor turned to Mussolini for advice. The Duce's answer was: "The plebiscite is a mistake." But this time Schuschnigg did not listen to advice from Italy; he never heard from Mussolini again. And Henderson commented on the announcement of the plebiscite: “I am afraid that Dr. Schuschnigg is risking the independence of Austria in an attempt to save his own position.”

Ribbentrop arrived in England for a farewell visit (in connection with his transfer to another job - Foreign Minister of the Reich). Immediately upon arrival, he began sounding out the British position regarding the Austrian question. From conversations with Halifax and the British Minister of Defense Coordination T. Inskeep, Ribbentrop concluded that England would not come out in defense of Austria. After this conversation, Ribbentrop, answering questions from Berlin, wrote: “What will England do if the Austrian question is not resolved peacefully? I am deeply convinced that England will not do anything on its own initiative at the present time; on the contrary, it will have a calming influence on other powers. It will be completely different if there is a big international conflict over Austria, that is, with the intervention of France. Therefore, it is important to pose the question: how will France and its allies behave? I think that neither France and its allies, nor Italy will enter into war over German decision Austrian question. But this is provided that the Austrian question is resolved at the earliest short time. If the violent solution drags on for a long time, serious complications will arise."

The news of the plebiscite caused extreme irritation in Berlin. Hitler rightly believed that as a result of the vote, the Austrian people would vote to preserve the independence of their country, which would make the Anschluss very problematic.

• On March 9, Hitler authorized Seyss-Inquart, who was appointed Austrian Minister of Internal Administration and Security on February 16, to seek the abolition of the plebiscite. After a conversation with the head of the Wehrmacht High Command, W. Keitel, and other generals, the Fuhrer approved the plan for an operation to capture Austria called “Otto”. The international situation favored the Reich's dynamic actions to resolve the "Austrian question."
• On March 10, 1938, the French cabinet of ministers C. Chautan resigned. Until March 13, France was left without a government. Mussolini retired to his country residence Roca del Caminate; in response to attempts to contact him, the Italian Foreign Minister G. Ciano stated that this was impossible. By this time, few people had doubts about England's position on the Austrian issue.
• On March 11, 1938, Nazi demonstrations began in all major cities of Austria. At one o'clock on March 11, Hitler signed an order for the invasion of German troops into Austria on March 12 at 12 o'clock. On the morning of March 11, information began to flow into European capitals about the closure of the Austro-German border and the movement of German troops towards Austria. However, official Berlin and its embassies denied everything.

The Austrian Chancellor did not dare to repel German aggression. At 2 p.m. on March 11, Seyss-Inquart informed Goering of Schuschnigg's decision to cancel the plebiscite. But Goering replied that this was not enough. After a meeting with Hitler, he informed Seyss-Iquart of a new ultimatum: the resignation of Schuschnigg and the appointment of Seyss-Inquart as chancellor, about which Goering was to be informed within two hours.

In the current critical situation, Schuschnigg first of all turned to Mussolini for help. However, no response was received from Mussolini. On March 10, Mussolini I and Ciano informed Berlin that they opposed the holding of a plebiscite and, moreover, intended to completely abstain from participating in Austrian events. When the French government approached with a proposal for a joint demarche of England, France and Italy against Berlin's actions, Ciano responded negatively. “After the sanctions, non-recognition of the empire and other unfriendly actions of 1935, do they really expect the restoration of the Stresa front now that Hannibal is at the gates?” Ciano explained, “thanks to their policy, England and France lost Austria, and at the same time we acquired Abyssinia.” .

According to the American Ambassador in Berlin, H. Wilson, an Italian high-ranking official told the diplomat literally the following: “We have already sent troops to Brenner once, a second time under the existing circumstances will mean war.” By order of the Italian leadership, from March 12, Italian news agencies should have emphasized that the development of the Austrian crisis would not affect Italian-German relations in any way.

When news of the new ultimatum reached France, a meeting was urgently convened there with the participation of Chautan, Delbos and various officials of Quai d'Orsay, who were formally still in office. Paris urgently contacted London and Rome. The French charge d'affaires tried to get in touch with Ciano, but the Italian Foreign Minister rejected the idea of ​​a joint demarche of England, France and Italy in Berlin.

At three o'clock in the afternoon on March 11, Schuschnigg asked for advice from the British government. The answer came to Vienna within an hour and a half. During this time, a meeting took place between Ribbentrop and Halifax. After this conversation, the British embassy in Vienna was instructed to convey to Schuschnigg that “we very sharply drew Ribbentrop’s attention to the impression such direct interference in Austrian affairs as a demand for the resignation of the Chancellor, backed by an ultimatum, would make in England, and, especially after "as it was promised to cancel the plebiscite. Ribbentrop's answer was not encouraging, but he promised to contact Berlin by telephone." Halifax also added that "the British Government cannot assume the responsibility of advising the Chancellor of any action which may bring danger to his country against which the British Government is unable to guarantee protection."

Meanwhile, realizing that London would not support France in decisive action aimed at protecting Austria, Paris decided to once again turn to Rome. The French charge d'affaires was instructed to find out from Ciano whether Italy would agree to consultations on the Austrian question. The British ambassador in Rome, Lord Perth, received the same order from his government. However, Ciano replied to the French representative in Rome through his private secretary that if the purpose of the consultation was the question of Austria, then “the Italian government does not consider it possible to discuss it with France or Great Britain.”

Under these conditions, Schuschnigg was forced to concede. At 19:50, Schuschnigg made a speech on the radio about his resignation and stated: “President Miklas asked me to inform the Austrian people that we are yielding to force, since we are not ready in this terrible situation for the shedding of blood, and we have decided to order the troops not to to offer serious—not to show any—resistance.” Seyss-Inquart telephoned to Berlin that the ultimatum had been accepted. Under the terms of the ultimatum, the invasion of troops was to be canceled. However, Hitler said that it was now too late. At the same time, Goering dictated to Hitler’s special representative in Austria W. Kepler the text of the new chancellor’s telegram: “The provisional Austrian government, seeing its task after the resignation of the Schuschnigg government as restoring calm and order in Austria, appeals to the German government with an urgent request to support it in fulfilling this task and to help prevent bloodshed. To this end, it asks the German government to send German troops as soon as possible."

On the evening of March 11, Halifax invited the British ambassador in Berlin, Henderson, to protest to the German government against interference in the internal affairs of Austria. Protest was also expressed by the French side. Both protests noted that Germany's violation of Austrian independence could have unpredictable consequences in Europe. Henderson obtained Goering's reception, and at the same time he sent a letter to Neurath.

Goering assured the ambassador that the Austrian National Socialists had presented an ultimatum to the Chancellor of Austria, and that the German troops that had entered Austria would withdraw as soon as order was established, and that they had been invited by the Austrian government. Neurath, in a reply note, stated that the British government has no right to pretend to be the defender of Austrian independence, since relations between Austria and Germany are an internal matter of the German people.

At the same time, German propagandists spread rumors about the alleged entry of Czechoslovak troops into Austria, the arrival of French communists in Austria with the aim of organizing a revolution, the seizure of power by the “Reds” and the murder of National Socialists, and Seyss-Inquart’s request in this regard for German troops to enter Austria to maintain order. At ten o'clock in the evening, Seyss-Inquart entered the room where the President of Austria and her chancellor were discussing the latest events, and declared: “Göring just called me and said: “You, Seyss-Inquart, must send me a telegram asking for German military assistance.” in view of the fact that the communists and others have caused severe disturbances in Austrian cities, and the Austrian government is no longer able to independently control the situation." (Of course, this was all a lie; in fact, the Nazis, intoxicated with victory, spent the night robbing Jewish stores and beating passers-by). Soon Kepler, on the orders of Seyss-Inquart, sent a telegram with one single word: “I agree.”

There was no resistance to the Wehrmacht invasion. True, not everything went according to plan, which W. Churchill later sneered at: “The German war machine thundered heavily across the border and got stuck at Linz.”

About half of the tanks broke down on the road to Vienna. It can be assumed that if Austria had decided to resist, its army of fifty thousand would have been able to hold off the Wehrmacht in the mountains. But that did not happen.

On March 12 at 8 o'clock Hitler flew from Berlin to Munich, at 15:50 he was already in Braunau on Austrian territory, and at 20 o'clock Seyss-Inquart welcomed Hitler to his hometown Linz. In his response speech, Hitler said that Austria would be annexed to Germany and this would be approved by a plebiscite. Hitler also gave a new name to his homeland as part of the Third Reich - Ostmark.

On the same day, Seyss-Inquart forced the President of the Austrian Republic, Miklas, to resign, after which he signed and published the Anschluss law, which stated that Austria was now one of the states of the German Empire and that on Sunday, April 10, 1938, "free and secret vote on reunification with the German Empire." historical politics international

From the second half of 1937, the development of events in the capitalist world, which increasingly drew humanity into war, accelerated significantly. The fascist states - Germany and Italy - took the path of accelerated preparations for a war for world domination. On November 5, a secret meeting of Nazi leaders took place in Berlin, at which Hitler proclaimed the main thesis of his policy of expanding “living space”: “There can only be one way to resolve the German question - the path of violence.”

The main goal of the Nazis’ aggressive program was the destruction Soviet Union. But most of German monopolists believed that Germany was not yet prepared for a war with such a strong enemy as the Soviet Union. Therefore, the conquest of the USSR was envisaged only at the final phase of the struggle for dominance in Europe, when, according to their calculations, it would be possible to use the military-economic resources of all of Western Europe. “...The war against the Soviet Union,” noted the German diplomat Kleist, “remains the last and decisive task of German policy” (231).

At the first stage of the war, Hitler said, “German policy must keep in mind two sworn enemies - England and France, for which the powerful German colossus in the very center of Europe was a thorn in the side...” (232). But first of all, the fascist leaders planned to seize Austria and Czechoslovakia, which would significantly strengthen the military-industrial potential of the Reich and improve its strategic position both against England and France, and against the USSR.

The plan to seize Austria and Czechoslovakia was based on the calculation of using the favorable situation that had developed as a result of the policy of the Western powers, which rejected the proposals of the Soviet Union to create a collective security system in Europe. The political myopia of the bourgeois leaders of the West, generated by class hatred of the Soviet Union and fear of losing their privileges, gave German fascists confidence in destroying opponents one by one with impunity. Continuing the course of condoning aggression, ruling circles At the end of 1937 and the beginning of 1938, England, France and the USA made more and more open attempts at direct collusion with the fascist states.

British diplomacy was most active. The rise of the revolutionary movement in Western Europe, the victory of the popular front in France and Spain, the international solidarity of the working people, clearly manifested during the German-Italian intervention against the Spanish Republic - all this caused deep concern in the ruling circles of Great Britain. The owners of the City saw “natural” allies in the fascists of Germany and Italy and were in a hurry to achieve complete mutual understanding with them in the fight against the “Red Peril”. Back in 1936, in Cliveden, the headquarters of the British “appeasers,” the idea of ​​a secret meeting between Prime Minister Baldwin and Hitler was hatched (233). Having taken charge of the cabinet, Chamberlain returned to this issue. It was decided to send one of the pillars of the Cliveden clique, Halifax, who was part of the cabinet as Lord Chairman of the Council, for a confidential conversation with the Nazi dictator.

On November 19, 1937, a meeting between Halifax and Hitler took place in Obersalzberg. The British representative, calling Germany “the bastion of the West against Bolshevism,” announced his government’s desire to achieve “better understanding” with Germany in order, in the future, with the participation of France and Italy, to create the basis for “lasting peace in Europe” (234). Hitler easily recognized in Halifax’s proposals the familiar features of the anti-Soviet “Pact of Four,” the creation of which remained a fixed idea in British diplomacy throughout the entire pre-war period. The head of the Reich put forward his own conditions: to remove from Germany the “moral and material stigma of the Treaty of Versailles” and to reconsider in its favor the fate of the colonies that Germany lost as a result of the First World War.

Having expressed the readiness of the English government to return to the colonial problem in the future, Halifax hastened to move on to discussing issues of changes in European system states “These issues,” he said, “include Danzig, Austria and Czechoslovakia. England is only interested in ensuring that these changes are brought about through peaceful evolution...” (235) Thus, if until recently fascist diplomacy could only guess that the British government had “secretly” discounted the countries Central Europe, then now she has received confirmation from the lips of his official representative.

There was a rapid change of course in French politics: from an alliance with the USSR and collective security to a secret conspiracy with the Nazis and granting them “freedom of action” in the East. In the fall of 1937 in Paris, French Prime Minister Chautan discussed European problems with Hitler's emissary Papen. Expressing full understanding of Germany’s intentions to increase its influence in Central and Eastern Europe, the prime minister said: “Tell the Fuhrer that if we were able to transfer European relations with him to a new, healthier basis, it would be a major milestone in world history” (236 ) .

American diplomacy moved in the same direction. US representatives established increasingly close contacts with the Nazis. In November 1937, the United States Ambassador to France, Bullitt, met with Goering and Reichsbank President Schacht. Göring informed Bullitt that Germany would soon annex Austria and the Sudetenland of Czechoslovakia (237). American representative did not make any comments. In the same month, Hitler’s personal adjutant Captain Wiedemann visited New York to negotiate with American leaders to give Germany “free hands” in the East 2 (238). At the same time, a secret meeting of German diplomats Tippelskirch and Killinger with representatives of the largest American monopolies. The subject of discussion was issues of cooperation “in developing the richest markets of Russia and China” (239).

The results of the policy of encouraging aggression were not long in coming. If in September 1937 Hitler believed that Germany would not provoke an “explosion” on Austrian soil in the near future, and, planning an attack on Czechoslovakia and Austria, conditioned this on favorable opportunities - the involvement of France in a conflict with Italy in connection with the events in the Iberian Peninsula peninsula, now he has sharply changed tactics.

Germany began accelerated preparations for the invasion of Austria. Plans for its annexation in Berlin have been hatched for a long time. In the program for creating a “greater Germany” set out in Mein Kampf, Anschluss was considered a priority task (240).

Fascist intelligence played an active role in the preparation and implementation of the Anschluss. Guided by Hitler’s instructions that “Austria must be returned to the great German homeland” (241), the Reich’s intelligence services launched violent activities against this country since 1933. According to the Otto plan, they were responsible for undermining it from the inside with the subsequent seizure of power by the Nazis.

The main directions of subversive activities of fascist intelligence in Austria were: conducting Nazi agitation and propaganda on a large scale aimed at undermining the state; the creation of extensive fascist organizations, groups and armed formations and the leadership of their anti-government activities; creation of a wide network of agents in the most important parts of the state apparatus; active support for the fascists in their quest to seize power. For this purpose, the German intelligence agencies sent their career intelligence officers and agents to Austria under the guise of businessmen, members of the “German-Alpine Union,” athletes, etc. Employees of the German embassy in Vienna were also involved in active subversive activities.

Hitler's intelligence relied on the illegal fascist organizations that existed in Austria; Having established contact with the leaders of these organizations, she directed and coordinated their subversive activities.

German intelligence services provided the Austrian Nazis with great and varied assistance. Significant sums of money were systematically transferred to their disposal; In December 1935 alone, the “Austro-German Relief Committee” received 110 thousand marks from Germany. In 1936, on the orders of Hitler's minister Schacht, 200 thousand marks were transferred monthly to the Austrian fascists. For purposes of secrecy, the money was addressed to certain industrial enterprises in Austria, from where they were transferred to the Nazis.

Nazi intelligence supplied weapons, ammunition and other equipment to Austria through illegal channels; A large amount of fascist literature was systematically thrown into the country.

Along with using the fascist organizations that existed in Austria, Hitler’s intelligence took measures to create new ones. It was with its help that a number of assault and security detachments arose, which operated under the direct leadership of one of the leaders of Nazi intelligence - Kaltenbrunner.

To prepare for the Anschluss, the secret services of Nazi Germany, relying on their agents, together with the Austrian Nazis, took control of the main links of the state apparatus. As a result of pressure on the chancellor and president through recruited government officials, the Nazis managed to appoint their agents to important government positions.

During 1936 - 1937 German intelligence officers and Austrian fascists managed to penetrate the Chancellor's Department, the Main Directorate of Public Security, the Ministries of Finance, Justice, Trade, Defense, Railways, the Vienna Political Directorate, the Presidential Secretariat and other important government institutions. As a result, by 1938, Hitler’s intelligence agents, together with the Austrian fascists, actually held in their hands key positions in the Austrian state.

The German intelligence agencies used this situation not only to obtain espionage information, but also to exert serious pressure on the Chancellor, President and other members of the Austrian government in order to force them to pursue a political course beneficial to the Hitler clique, ultimately aimed at the absorption of the Austrian state by Germany.

The active subversive activities of the German fascists were greatly facilitated by the position of the Austrian government, as well as the financial and industrial circles behind it. Pursuing a policy of fascistization of the country, the government banned the Communist Party, dissolved the armed organization of social democrats "Schutzbund", and brutally dealt with the participants in the armed uprising of workers provoked by the fascists in Vienna, Linz, Graz and other cities. An anti-democratic constitution was introduced in the country. In foreign policy, the Austrian ruling circles cooperated with the fascist states.

An important step towards the implementation of the expansionist plans of the Nazis was the Austro-German agreement concluded in July 1936. Although Germany formally recognized the sovereignty of this country, it imposed on the Austrian government a policy towards the Reich, which stemmed from the fact that Austria is a “German state " (242) . In practice, Austria found itself in the wake of German foreign policy.

At the beginning of January 1938, the Austrian fascists received instructions from Berlin to prepare for a putsch. On February 4, a reorganization of the central apparatus of the Reich and the command of the Wehrmacht was announced. Hitler concentrated in his hands the functions of head of state and supreme commander in chief. Following this, Germany began to implement its aggressive plan against Austria.

On February 7, Austrian Chancellor Schuschnigg received an invitation to arrive at Hitler's residence in Berchtesgaden (Bavarian Alps). To intimidate the Austrian Chancellor, Keitel, in his presence, reported to the Fuhrer about the readiness of the German army to invade Austria. Hitler forced Schuschnigg to sign a protocol that actually provided for the establishment of German control over Austria's foreign policy, the legalization of the activities of the Austrian National Socialists, and the appointment of a number of Austrian Nazis to key government positions. Hitler's agent Seyss-Inquart was given the post of Minister of the Interior and Minister of Security.

The implementation of the protocol would mean the elimination of Austrian independence. The Austrian people, and above all the working class, led by the Communist Party, decisively rejected the plan to join the country with Nazi Germany and demanded the suppression of the activities of Hitler's agents. Under pressure from the masses, on March 9, Schuschnigg announced that a plebiscite would be scheduled in three days, which would decide the future of Austria. This threatened the failure of the seizure of Austria prepared by the German fascists through “peaceful evolution.” On the morning of March 10, Hitler demanded the immediate implementation of the Otto plan - the invasion of Austria. In response to the concerns of military experts, the Fuhrer stated that neither England nor France would support Austria (243). Directive No. 1, approved on March 11, provided for the operation to be carried out, preferably “in the form of a peaceful entry” (244). Meanwhile, Seyss-Inquart demanded a postponement of the plebiscite.

The Austrian government tried to find support from England, but received a categorical refusal (245). France these days was experiencing a government crisis: not wanting to take responsibility for the country's position towards Austria, Chautan resigned on March 10.

On March 11, the Austrian government capitulated. At dawn the next day, the German army began to occupy the country. On March 14, Hitler signed a decree declaring Austria a province of the Reich. Repression fell on Austrian anti-fascists, tens of thousands of patriots were thrown into prisons and concentration camps. On April 10, a referendum was held in Austria. The voter had to answer the question: “Do you agree with the reunification of Austria with the German Empire?” In an atmosphere of unbridled demagogic propaganda and terror, as well as direct falsification of voting results, out of 4 million 484 thousand ballots, 4 million 453 thousand were recognized as containing the answer “yes” (246).

Without waiting for the end of the referendum comedy, the Western powers recognized the capture of Austria as a fait accompli and converted their diplomatic missions in Vienna into consulates general. The governments of England, France and the USA pretended not to notice the disappearance from political map Europe is an independent state.

The position of the USSR was fundamentally different. The Soviet government never recognized the annexation of Austria in any form. It strongly condemned Hitler's aggression, warning of the disastrous consequences that could result from connivance with the aggressive policy of the German fascists. "The current international situation“,” said the statement of the People’s Commissar for Foreign Affairs of the USSR, “raises before all peace-loving states and especially the great powers the question of their responsibility for the future fate of the peoples of Europe, and not only Europe” (247). The government of the Soviet Union insisted on immediate discussion with other governments in the League of Nations or outside of it on practical measures dictated by circumstances. Humanity paid a heavy price for the fact that these proposals of the Soviet Union were not supported by the Western powers.

The conquest of Austria played important role in the implementation of political and military-strategic plans of Nazi Germany. The Nazis grew more confident in the impunity of their aggressive actions. As a result of the Anschluss, the territory of Germany increased by 17 percent, and the population by 10 percent, that is, by 6 million 713 thousand people. Almost all 50 thousand soldiers and officers of the Austrian army were included in the Wehrmacht (248). Austrian industry and economy were subordinated to the military needs of Nazi Germany. Old strategic highways and highways were reconstructed and new ones were laid. railways airfields were built towards the borders of Czechoslovakia, Yugoslavia, and Hungary. As General Jodl, the head of the operations department of the Wehrmacht Supreme Command, later admitted, the Anschluss strengthened the strategic position of the Reich. Czechoslovakia found itself in a pincer movement. The new border with it facilitated the implementation of fascist aggression.