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The Moldovan parliament demanded that Russia withdraw its troops from the territory of the Transnistrian region. This is stated in the declaration adopted on Friday, July 21, at plenary session legislative body. Meanwhile, July 21 marked the 25th anniversary of the signing of the agreement “On the principles of resolving the armed conflict in the Transnistrian region of the Republic of Moldova.”
After this document was signed in Moscow by the then presidents of Russia Boris Yeltsin and Moldova Mircea Snegur in the presence of the leader of the unrecognized “PMR” Igor Smirnov, Russian peacekeepers entered the region. Since then, debates have continued about whether a peacekeeping mission is needed in Transnistria and whether it is time to replace the military with observers from the OSCE. DW, with the help of experts, tried to understand this issue.
A little history
Tiraspol celebrates the Day of Entry of Peacekeeping Forces on July 29. This date is associated with the appearance of Russian “blue helmets” here a quarter of a century ago. A few days after this, Moldovan and Transnistrian military personnel, as well as a group of military observers from Ukraine, joined the peacekeeping mission. The Joint Control Commission (JCC) resolves issues related to the peacekeeping operation and the security zone.
It stretches along the map of Moldova for 200 km from north to south and 15-20 km from west to east. The city of Bendery, which is under dual jurisdiction - Moldova and the unrecognized "Transnistrian Moldavian Republic", also fell into the security zone. The headquarters of the OKK is located in Bendery. The joint peacekeeping force currently numbers about 1,500 people.
On May 2, 2017, the Constitutional Court of Moldova declared the presence of Russian peacekeepers in the country illegal.
" Better for Russia"
The authorities in Chisinau insist on the withdrawal of Russian peacekeepers. As Vlad Plahotniuc, leader of the ruling Democratic Party and coordinator of the pro-European parliamentary coalition, said at a meeting of the Council of the Socialist International in New York on July 11, “we consider it necessary to transform the Russian peacekeeping mission in our country in the conflict zone into a civilian one, under an international mandate.”
Director of the Center for Strategic Research and Consulting Politicon Anatoliy Taranu is confident that replacing peacekeepers with civilian observers from the OSCE should be beneficial to Russia itself, which then will not be reproached for controlling the region. But she controls him, which is why Tserana believes that she does not want to withdraw her military. As the expert said in an interview with DW, "the peacekeeping operation maintains the illusion that an armed conflict can occur here, but it will not happen unless Russia intervenes."
Security expert Semyon Nikulin states: “For 25 years there has not been a single serious incident here, the peacekeeping mission has exhausted itself.” The situation in the region is stable, it is necessary to stop military operation and move on to civilian or police, the expert shared his point of view with DW. According to Nikulin, “we are not talking about squeezing Russia out of the region; it may well send its civilian observers here.”
" Peacekeepers must stay"
Meanwhile, Pridnestrovie is convinced that it is impossible to abandon the peacekeeping format. This was stated on June 17 during a meeting round table in Tiraspol, the representative of the Pridnestrovian delegation to the Joint Control Commission Vasily Vakarchuk. As he put it, “those who insist on changing the current format of the peacekeeping operation insist on the resumption of armed confrontation.”
Context
Kishinevsky political analyst, Director of the Institute for Security Problems Valery Ostalep points out that replacing the format requires the consent of both parties. But agreement, the expert is sure, is not expected in the near future: “Because Chisinau is taking many wrong steps - both by suppressing the Russian language and Russian culture, and in relation to Transnistria, without taking into account the opinions of its residents.” According to Ostalep, only when Pridnestrovians begin to trust Chisinau will it be possible to talk about changing the format.
Airspace closed
On July 19, the Moldovan Ministry of Foreign Affairs and European Integration (MFAEI) sent a letter to the Russian Embassy in Chisinau, stating that “the competent authorities of the Republic of Moldova are forced to deny the movement of aircraft of the Russian Armed Forces through the country’s airspace and landing at the airports of Chisinau and Tiraspol.” .
The Russian delegation led by Deputy Prime Minister Dmitry Rogozin was supposed to fly on these planes to events dedicated to the 25th anniversary of the start of the peacekeeping operation on the Dniester.
The authors of the letter also report that the MFAEI regrets the lack of a common plan for celebrating the 25th anniversary of the peacekeeping mission on the Dniester, discussed by all interested parties. The department believes that such events are “inappropriate to carry out” unilaterally.
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Watch video 02:18
Moldovan exclave in Transnistria: life in constant fear (10/18/2015)
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Transnistria yesterday and today
A quarter of a century ago, as a result of an armed conflict, Moldova was divided in two, and the Dniester River became a kind of border. In the east of the country, on the left bank of the Dniester, an unrecognized “Transnistrian Moldavian Republic” arose, oriented towards Russia. You can get from Moldova to any settlement in Transnistria only through the administrative border.
Transnistria yesterday and today
Peacekeepers on duty
Bendery is the second largest city of the unrecognized “Transnistrian Moldavian Republic”. It is located on the right bank of the Dniester, but is under the jurisdiction of Tiraspol. Previously, it took 40 minutes to get from Chisinau to Bendery. Now there is a danger of getting stuck at Transnistrian customs. In front of it is a peacekeeping post, where Moldovan, Transnistrian and Russian military personnel serve.
Transnistria yesterday and today
Varnitsa enclave
The village of Varnitsa stands on the banks of the Dniester. It is located within the city of Bendery, but administratively belongs to the Novo-Annensky district of right bank Moldova. A quarter of a century ago, during the armed conflict between the banks of the Dniester, its residents supported Chisinau, refusing to become part of the unrecognized Transnistria. In the photo - a military memorial in Varnitsa in memory of the fallen fellow villagers.
Transnistria yesterday and today
Named after Charles XII
Varnita has something to offer historians. This is probably the only village in the world where there is a street named after the Swedish King Charles XII. After the defeat near Poltava in 1709, he fled here from the army of Peter I. In 1711-1713. where the gardens of the Varnitsa peasants are now, a royal residence and a settlement grew up, which was called New Stockholm. In 1993, the remains of the royal office were found in Varnitsa.
Transnistria yesterday and today
With the help of the European Union
In the near future, a museum of Charles XII will be opened on the territory of the former royal residence. The project, with financial support from the European Union and Sweden, was initiated by a Swedish non-governmental organization with the difficult-to-reproduce name Nordiskkulturochhistoryformedling. The local women's organization, headed by Veronica Stefan, also got involved.
Transnistria yesterday and today
Mazepa's treasure
There is another memorial sign on Charles XII Street. It marks the place of death of the Ukrainian hetman Ivan Mazepa, who fled here from the Russian army along with the Swedish king. According to legend, while escaping, Mazepa managed to take with him 2 barrels of gold and several bags of silver. Some drowned in the Dnieper, but some, historians say, ended up in Varnitsa. Mazepa died here, in a peasant house, on September 22, 1709.
Transnistria yesterday and today
Residents of houses located opposite each other call this Varnitsa street differently. Some believe that they live on Nikolai Yorga Street, others claim that they live on Borisovskaya. This is because the odd side of the street belongs to the Moldovan Varnitsa, and the even side to the Transnistrian Bendery. Because of this, a lot of problems arise, for example, for businessmen who want to register a company here.
Transnistria yesterday and today
Local realities
Our guide around Varnitsa was a member local council Georgiy Lupu. He said that some residents receive Transnistrian pensions with Russian supplements, because worked at enterprises in Bender. Employees of Varnitsa enterprises receive salaries in Moldovan lei, and pay for housing and communal services in Transnistrian rubles. The ratio between the leu and the ruble is 3:1 in favor of the Transnistrian currency.
Transnistria yesterday and today
Tank in the barn
Georgy took us to the former military base of the 14th Russian army. The abandoned base holds a lot of interesting things. For example, in one of the garages there is a real tank. True, it was not possible to remove it, because... the owner was absent. He is one of local residents, who acquired a piece of land in this territory along with abandoned rusty equipment. But the guard tower remained.
Transnistria yesterday and today
Bender then and now
To get from Varnitsa to Bendery, you need to go through customs and get migration card. In June 1992, the city was the site of fierce battles for the bridge across the Dniester between defenders of the integrity of Moldova and supporters of the unrecognized republic. More than a thousand people died in them. Today the city lives ordinary life and differs from other Moldavian cities only in the abundance of military monuments.
Transnistria yesterday and today
Tickets to the main attraction of the city - the Bendery Fortress - can also be bought for Moldovan lei. Built by the Turks in the 16th century. The fortification has only recently opened for tours. During Soviet times, a missile brigade of the 14th Russian Army and a pontoon-bridge regiment were stationed here. Now a military unit of the army of the unrecognized Transnistrian Republic is adjacent to the fortress.
Transnistria yesterday and today
The same Munchausen
In front of the entrance to the fortress there is the same cannonball on which that same Munchausen flew to look at the positions of the enemy who had taken refuge behind the walls of the citadel. Both the core and the monument literary hero were not installed here by chance. Prototype of the story by R.E. Raspe Karl Friedrich Hieronymus Baron von Munchausen actually took part in the storming of the Bendery fortress by Russian troops in 1737.
Transnistria yesterday and today
The bridges are still open
Co observation deck The bridge across the Dniester is visible from the Bendery fortress. Behind it on the opposite side is Tiraspol, the capital of the unrecognized state. All 25 years that have passed since the armed clashes, the bridge does not connect, but rather separates the banks. After the end of the conflict in the summer of 1992, the negotiation process began on its settlement and the status of the Transnistrian region. It still lasts.
CHISINAU, Oct 3 – Sputnik. On the eve of the UN General Assembly discussing the issue of the withdrawal of foreign troops from the territory of Moldova, debates about whether it is worth maintaining the previous peacekeeping format in the Dniester Security Zone are flaring up with renewed vigor.
Supporters of the withdrawal of the Operational Group of Russian troops from the region appeal to the sovereignty and independence of Moldova, which excludes the presence of military contingents of other states in the country.
The operational group of Russian troops (OGRF), located on the left bank of the Dniester, performs two main tasks: it carries out a peacekeeping mission together with Pridnestrovian and Moldovan peacekeepers, and also guards military warehouses in the area of the village of Kolbasnoye.
Today, the OGRF in Transnistria includes two separate motorized rifle battalions (performing peacekeeping missions), a security and service battalion.
The Russian group in Transnistria does not have a strike focus, does not have missile defense or air defense means, nuclear deterrent means, there are no test sites, radars, communications centers, artillery, aviation, tanks that would be associated with the Russian army.
Over the 25 years of the peacekeeping mission, thanks to the high professionalism of the military personnel, there has not been a single serious incident in the region.
Transnistria is the only region in the territory of Eastern Europe, where, after the introduction of a peacekeeping contingent, military operations ceased and were not resumed.
Earlier, Speaker of the Parliament of Moldova Andrian Candu, speaking about “the need to withdraw Russian troops from the territory of the country,” noted that “the authorities in this case are only talking about the operational group of the Russian military, and not about the peacekeeping contingent in the Security Zone.”
Transnistria expert Sergei Zakharov is confident that it is impossible to separate the Russian peacekeepers stationed in Transnistria and the OGRF.
“We all remember the armed conflict on the Dniester in 1992, as a result of which the OGRF was formed to guard warehouses in the village of Kolbasnoye. The OGRF is one combined arms battalion of 400 people, equipped with light weapons and also engaged in peacekeeping operations. There are big problems with rotation, so many local residents who have a Russian passport also serve in it,” Zakharov noted.
According to him, there are known cases when at recruiting stations in Transnistria, recruits were asked to choose between serving in the armed forces of the unrecognized PMR and the OGRF. Many chose the second.
“This peacekeeping operation is unique in that in 25 years of its implementation not a single military clash has occurred. And their likelihood, if there were no peacekeepers, would have been very high, especially since it has a precedent - the armed conflict of 1992. The deterrence effect is here is great, and Russia plays a huge role in it,” Zakharov said.
But maybe it’s worth disposing of the ammunition in Kolbasnoye or taking it out of the country?
“The ammunition depots in the Transnistrian village of Kolbasnoye are the largest cache of weapons in Europe, which also contains shells from the Second World War. It is possible to dispose of this ammunition, there are many projects, but they are expensive. Neither Chisinau nor Tiraspol will want to pay for disposal. But Russia ", apparently, considers it a more financially acceptable option to continue storing these shells in the same way. There are certain storage rules, which in this case, as we see, are observed," Zakharov comments on this problem.
“Tiraspol does not want Chisinau to lay claim to this cache. Moreover, in the unrecognized PMR, these warehouses are considered their own. Therefore, to fully control the situation, a limited group of Russian troops is necessary in the region,” Zakharov said.
On the eve of the 25th anniversary of the entry of peacekeeping forces into Transnistria, which stopped the bloody conflict, which, even according to rough estimates, cost the lives of thousands of civilians and four and a half thousand wounded, the Moldovan parliament presented the Russian “blue helmets” with a kind of “gift” by accepting a statement on the withdrawal peacekeeping contingent of the Russian Federation. And although, as parliamentarians clarify, this is just a declaration and not a bill, it seems that this was done specifically to spoil memorable date, present it with their own “sauce,” focusing on the supposed undesirability and illegality of the presence of peacekeepers in the region. If we evaluate other similar decisions of recent times, we can observe a whole chain of provocative attacks against Russia’s peacekeeping efforts. For example, one can recall the recent ruling of the Constitutional Court of Moldova, which equated the Russian military in the region with occupation forces, as well as the expulsion from the country of a number Russian diplomats involved in the work of the joint control commission. Chisinau is trying to play on anti-Russian sentiments, playing along with the West, and at the same time demand certain preferences from Russia - this is the opinion of some analysts about the situation. It is clear that the Moldovan authorities will not be able to sit on two chairs. However, how will such games affect the relations between Chisinau and Tiraspol? Will they become a reason for another aggravation of already difficult relations?.. Peace bringers
Transnistria, whose 60 percent of residents are Russian and Ukrainian, sought secession from Moldova even before the collapse of the USSR, fearing that the republic would choose a path within Romania. In 1992, after a failed attempt by the Moldovan authorities to solve the problem of Transnistria by force, this region became virtually territory beyond the control of Chisinau. Fighting here unfolded between Moldovan troops, forces of the Ministry of Internal Affairs and special services and armed formations of the unrecognized Transnistrian Moldavian Republic. The fighting intensified in the summer of 1992, and only the entry of Russian troops made it possible to stop the bloodshed. On July 7, 1992, Russia and Moldova signed a plan for a peaceful resolution of the conflict, on July 21, an agreement on a peaceful settlement was concluded, which the Transnistrian side agreed to, and on July 29, Russian peacekeeping forces were sent to Bendery and Dubossary. On August 1, 1992, the process of disengagement of the armed forces of the conflicting parties was completed. Later, the Joint Control Commission and joint peacekeeping forces were created. Russian, Moldovan and Transnistrian military personnel were stationed in Transnistria as a contingent of peacekeepers. Since 1993, the OSCE has joined the peace process, and since 1995, Ukraine has joined (today the Blue Helmets contingent includes observers from this country). Currently, the peacekeeping forces are composed of 402 Russian military personnel, 492 Transnistrian, 355 Moldovan, as well as ten military observers from Ukraine. The service is organized at 15 stationary posts and checkpoints, which are located in key sections of the security zone stretching along the Dniester for 225 km by 12-24 km in width. President Igor Dodon called the current action of the Moldovan government a provocation against attempts to correct the situation in relations with Transnistria, undertaken by President Igor Dodon Parliament member Vlad Batryncha. “This is completely inappropriate,” he emphasized. By the way, deputies from the Socialist Party faction left the meeting room in protest. Igor Dodon himself also considers the parliamentary statement a provocation, emphasizing that “these actions are aimed at worsening relations with the Russian Federation and undermining the successes that were achieved jointly with the Russian leadership, namely in the field of export of Moldovan products, the situation with migrants, regional cooperation , educational and humanitarian programs.” As Dodon wrote on his Facebook page, “this provocation fits into a series of actions by the parliamentary majority under the leadership of the Democratic Party to escalate the situation in the region and primarily in relation to Russia, on the eve of the visit of the Deputy Prime Minister RF Dmitry Rogozin to Moldova." However, as Parliament Speaker Andrian Candu stated, "the declaration on the withdrawal of Russian troops from the territory of the country has been approved. This is a political decision." The document calls for international organizations and mediators in the negotiation process “to initiate political discussions regarding the transformation of the peacekeeping operation on the Dniester into a civilian mission under an international mandate.”
Chisinau "war party"
The implementation of peacekeeping tasks in Transnistria is fully consistent with the Russian-Moldovan Agreement of July 21, 1992 on the principles of the peaceful settlement of the armed conflict in this region Republic of Moldova. The head of the operational department - deputy chief of the General Staff draws attention to this Ground Forces Russian Ministry of Defense Major General Igor Smoliy. During recent hearings in the Federation Council on the activities of the Russian “blue helmets”, he reported that since the start of the peacekeeping operation in Transnistria there has been no aggravation of the situation. And this is precisely the merit of the Russian peacekeepers. At the same time, peacekeepers in this region have plenty of problems. First of all, man-made problems. Thus, the Moldovan side has recently tightened the rules of entry for Russian peacekeepers into this territory, requiring our military personnel sent to serve in the peacekeeping contingent to provide information from their service biography. “Let me remind you that this contradicts Russian legislation, including those related to the protection of personal data,” notes Igor Smoliy. However, due to such obstacles caused by Chisinau, the rotation of the next group of our peacekeepers has been delayed since April. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Federation is involved in solving the problem that has arisen. Other facts also indicate that part of the current leadership of Moldova adheres to a rather crude solution to the so-called “Transnistrian issue”. For example, not so long ago the opening of the Moldovan-Ukrainian customs post “Pervomaisk-Kuchurgan” took place with pomp. Moldovan Prime Minister Pavel Filip even invited Ukrainian President Petro Poroshenko to this ceremony. The whole problem is that this post is located within the borders of Transnistria. According to the head of the PMR, Vadim Krasnoselsky, they regard these actions as “unilateral attempts to completely control our exports and imports, as well as the movement of citizens across the Transnistrian-Ukrainian border.” As the Transnistrian authorities note, the new regime threatens the supply of the republic and undermines the sphere of individual entrepreneurship , threatens with detention of cargo and arrests of Pridnestrovians, against whom criminal cases have been opened in Moldova. According to preliminary estimates, losses to the republic's economy will amount to more than $40 million. And the appearance of Moldovan security forces in close proximity from the military, the PMR threatens regional stability. “There are previously reached agreements, there is the right of Pridnestrovie to implement economic activity, the right to free movement of citizens,” recalls Vadim Krasnoselsky. - Of course, this post violated all previously reached agreements. Those officials Those who generated and promoted this idea are probably thinking about escalating the conflict. Why do this? After 25 years of peaceful coexistence of Transnistria, Moldova and Ukraine, why light a fuse that could lead to an explosion?”
At the behest of Brussels and Washington
Professor of Russian High school economics, philosopher and political scientist Oleg Matveychev is confident that the emergence of a joint Moldovan-Ukrainian checkpoint on the border with Transnistria is a coordinated action of the two countries on command from Brussels and Washington. “We must understand that today all power in Moldova is concentrated in the hands of Vlad Plahotniuc, who controls the parliament, the government, and the president, the expert believes. - His government is anti-Russian. They operate in the same regime as Poroshenko.”
According to the President of the PMR Vadim Krasnoselsky, today certain external forces, through the hands of Moldova and Ukraine, are deliberately creating conditions for destabilization and gradual unfreezing of the conflict. “Such actions not only in front of Pridnestrovie, but also in front of all responsible world players, are fabricating an absolutely artificial choice between a new round of military confrontation or dishonor in the form of political concessions against the will of the Transnistrian people,” he notes. - As history shows, in the end all participants in such geopolitical combinations lose. But the saddest thing is that they suffer simple people and the very matter of preserving peace and stability.” Pressure on Transnistria, as the republican authorities note, is being implemented with tacit consent a number of participants in the negotiation process, including the Austrian chairmanship in the OSCE, which has been refusing to convene the “5+2” international negotiation format for six months now. In addition, the provocative ideas expressed by the Moldovan expert community of “forcing Transnistria” to so-called reintegration are causing concern in Tiraspol. The PMR draws attention to the fact that these plans involve a wide range of violent methods that have nothing to do with civilized approaches and respect for human rights. Even the current anniversary date - the 25th anniversary of the establishment of peace on Transnistrian soil and the end of bloodshed - in Chisinau they decided to use it as a reason to whip up hysteria. And it’s not just the adopted statement on the withdrawal of Russian peacekeepers: fortunately, this crazy idea of the parliament, as they themselves admit same as deputies, means nothing. In Moldova, they would generally like to disrupt the celebration of this date. How else can one explain the proposal of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and European Integration of Moldova to cancel the visit of the Russian delegation on the occasion of the 25th anniversary of the peacekeeping operation on the Dniester. The reason chosen was formal, supposedly guests from Moscow are arriving on Russian Aerospace Forces aircraft. Moldovan diplomats have already sent a letter to the Russian embassy in Chisinau, which contains a refusal to provide permission to fly through Moldovan airspace and land aircraft at the airports of Chisinau and Tiraspol. Deputy Prime Minister of Russia, Special Representative of the President of the Russian Federation for Transnistria Dmitry Rogozin has already responded to this attack by the Moldovan authorities. “I didn’t understand who forbade me there. I'll definitely come. We will meet with the President of Moldova and the leadership of the PMR,” he wrote on his microblog on Twitter. Stability factor
“The withdrawal of Russian peacekeepers from Transnistria is impossible without the consent of Russia: Russian military personnel have been on the territory of the PMR since the Moldovan-Transnistrian conflict and the signing of the Agreement between the heads of the Russian Federation and Moldova,” emphasizes the first vice-president of the International Public Fund “ Russian Foundation peace", member of the Public Chamber of Russia Elena Sutormina. - Our peacekeeping contingent ensures stability and calm in the region. True, neither Ukraine nor Moldova are interested in this tranquility, otherwise they would have long ago lifted the blockade of imports of any goods into Transnistria, which they organized in June last year. Transnistria cannot be suppressed only thanks to the Russian military stationed on the territory of the republic in which they live a large number of our compatriots, and we are obliged to protect them from the aggression of some Moldovan politicians who have long wanted to deprive Transnistria of its independent status." "The operation that began on July 29, 1992 Russian Federation to separate the conflicting parties and establish a functional peacekeeping mechanism, made a decisive, strategic contribution to the ceasefire, the establishment real world on our land,” notes the President of the Pridnestrovian Moldavian Republic Vadim Krasnoselsky. - Only the direct participation of Russia made it possible to stop the bloody war and put an end to the killings of hundreds of Pridnestrovians, whose entire guilt was that they chose their language, their culture, chose freedom and the desire to build their future together with Russia. Only Russia was able to stop this outrage, act as a real peacemaker, with its mere presence on long years to moderate the ardor and senseless bravado of the Moldovan side. People wanted peace, and peace came. For which we are immensely grateful to Russia.” 
Today, as the head of the PMR emphasizes, only a peacekeeping operation on the Dniester with the leading participation of Russia is a factor in a stable, peaceful future for the entire region. “The peacekeeping operation on the Dniester under the auspices of Russia has clearly demonstrated its viability, because in 25 years not a single peacekeeper or military observer has died in the line of duty,” he is convinced. “Therefore, it is natural that there is no alternative to this successful mission, the current peacekeeping format, and there cannot be until the Moldovan-Transnistrian conflict is completely resolved.”
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The emergence and development of armed conflict in the Transnistrian region of the Republic of Moldova
The history of the armed conflict between Moldova and Transnistria dates back to the events of the late 80s of the last century, when in the summer of 1989 the Supreme Council of the Moldavian SSR (MSSR) adopted laws on languages declaring the Moldavian language the only state language.
In response to this, councils of labor collectives are created at industrial enterprises in Transnistria, which organize mass strikes, demanding a referendum on this issue, which was rejected by Chisinau. From that moment on, the growth of the national movement in Bessarabia, primarily in Chisinau, began to push the emergence and growth of the movement for the creation of Transnistrian autonomy.
In January-October 1990 in populated areas on the left bank, as well as in the city of Bendery, located on the right bank of the Dniester, voting rounds were held, later called a referendum. Almost 80% of citizens with the right to vote participated in them, and 96% of them supported the creation of the Transnistrian Republic. In Chisinau, these referendums were declared illegal.
In the summer of 1990, the situation worsened both in Moldova itself and in relations between Chisinau and Transnistria. Deputies from Transnistria left the Supreme Council of the MSSR, which on June 23, 1990 adopted a declaration of independence of the Moldavian SSR. In response, on September 2, 1990, in Tiraspol, the 2nd Congress of Deputies of all levels of Transnistria proclaimed the creation of the Transnistrian Moldavian SSR (PMSSR) within the USSR. In addition to the left bank territory itself, it included the city of Bendery and several other settlements on the right bank.
In November 1990, elections were held to the Supreme Council of the Transnistrian Moldavian SSR. Acute contradictions arose between Tiraspol and Chisinau over the issue of preserving the USSR. Moldovan leaders sought an early exit from the Union, while Transnistrian leaders advocated its preservation.
The final disengagement occurred in the second half of 1991. Immediately after the failure of the Emergency Committee, on August 27, 1991, the Supreme Council of Moldova declared the illegality of all legal acts, starting with the acts of 1775, according to which Moldova or its parts (primarily Transnistria) were part of Russia or the USSR.
In turn, on December 1, 1991, elections for the President of the Pridnestrovian Moldavian Republic and a referendum on the independence of the Pridnestrovian Moldavian Republic (PMR - the new name of the republic) took place in Transnistria. 78% of residents with the right to vote took part in them, and almost 98% of those who voted were in favor of independence.
The results of the vote in Transnistria are one of the proofs that the conflict between this region and Moldova is not primarily ethnic character. A significant part of the Moldovan-Romanian population of the left bank in 1990-1991. persistently supported the idea of its independence from Bessarabia.
Armed clashes began in the fall of 1990. They were generated, on the one hand, by forceful pressure on the structural units of the internal affairs bodies and the prosecutor's office located on the territory of Transnistria so that they would come under the jurisdiction of Tiraspol. On the other hand, the Moldovan side attempted armed penetration into the left bank to protect its supporters in the authorities and to demonstrate its claims that Transnistria is the same part of Moldova as Bessarabia. Mostly armed clashes, sometimes very fierce, took place around the crossings of the Dniester and in settlements located on the right bank, but which came under the jurisdiction of Tiraspol.
Since the end of 1990, paramilitary formations have been created in Transnistria, which have been armed since mid-1991 firearms. In particular, the Black Sea Sea was created in the PMR Cossack army armed with armored vehicles and artillery.
At the same time, the Moldovan authorities first created special police units (OPON), and then, after August 1991, their own armed forces based on part of the armed forces of the former USSR stationed there. The sources of weapons for both sides were, first of all, the arsenals of the formations of the former 14th Army stationed on the territory of Moldova.
A new stage of escalation of the conflict began in the spring of 1992. On March 28, 1992, the Moldovan leadership declared a state of emergency, and President Snegur ordered the “liquidation and disarmament” of the Transnistrian police.
The armed conflict reached particular severity in June 1992 during the battles for the city of Bendery, located on the right bank of the Dniester, but included in the PMR. The political side of the confrontation consisted of an attempt by the Moldovan leadership to seize the city by force and bring it under its control.
The fighting continued during June 19-26, 1992. The forces of the Ministry of Internal Affairs (primarily OPON), units from the Moldovan side took part in them national army, volunteer units and self-defense units. On the PMR side - the Republican Guard, police, Cossack and militia detachments, as well as territorial rescue squads.
The intensity of the fighting is evidenced by the casualty figures. The Pridnestrovians lost 203 people killed (including 169 members of armed forces) and about 300 people wounded. The Moldovan side lost about 80 people killed, more than 500 were wounded, including about 350 military personnel. In total, between November 1991 and July 1992, about 500 people died during armed clashes.
The Russian leadership could no longer maintain neutrality, and on July 7, plenipotentiary representatives of the President of Russia arrived in the region, who managed to reach an agreement on a ceasefire, and on July 21, in Moscow, B. Yeltsin and M. Snegur, in the presence of I. Smirnov, signed an agreement “On the principles settlement armed conflict in the Transnistrian region of the Republic of Moldova."
Agreement on the principles of a peaceful settlement
armed conflict in the Transnistrian region
Republic of Moldova dated July 21, 1992
At a meeting of the leaders of the CIS member states on July 6, 1992, Moldovan President M. Snegur raised the question of sending CIS peacekeeping forces to the conflict zone, which would include Moldovan, Russian (but not the 14th Army), Ukrainian and Belarusian contingents .
However, this proposal did not receive support, since the peacekeeping operation is not carried out under the auspices of the CIS, and the peacekeeping forces included only Moldovan, Russian and Transnistrian contingents. The only thing that was accepted from Snegur’s proposals was that the Russian peacekeeping contingent was not included in the 14th Army.
The legal basis for the peacekeeping operation is the “Agreement on the principles of peaceful settlement of the armed conflict in the Transnistrian region of the Republic of Moldova”, signed by B. Yeltsin and M. Snegur, as well as endorsed by the President of the PMR I. Smirnov on July 21, 1992.
Its main content was as follows:
The conflicting parties pledged to take all measures for a complete ceasefire, to withdraw troops and weapons from the “security zone”;
To ensure control over the ceasefire, the withdrawal of troops and weapons in this zone, a joint Control Commission was created, “consisting of representatives of the three parties involved in the settlement”;
The Commission uses groups of military observers in its work; military contingents created on a voluntary basis “representing the parties involved in the implementation of this agreement” are transferred to its subordination;
In addition to monitoring the ceasefire, the Commission ensures the maintenance of law and order in the city of Bendery;
Decisions of the Commission are taken by consensus;
The military units of the 14th Army will strictly observe neutrality; questions about its status, procedure and timing of withdrawal will be determined during negotiations between the Russian Federation and the Republic of Moldova.
Thus, Russia officially consolidated its position as a party involved in resolving the conflict. The Russian peacekeeping contingent, along with the Moldovan and Transnistrian ones, was introduced into the “security zone”. The control commission began its work. The situation along the banks of the Dniester, militarily, has returned to normal.
Composition and tasks of the Russian military contingent
Joint peacekeeping forces in the Transnistrian region
Republic of Moldova
From August 23 to August 31, 1992, the Russian military contingent (RVK) was introduced into the conflict zone with the aim of stopping hostilities between the conflicting parties and withdrawing their armed forces and military equipment.
The initial composition of the RVC: 6 battalions, a helicopter squadron (Mi-8 - 6 units, Mi-24 - 4 units), mobile group of the 138th separate regiment communications of the Supreme High Command (total - 3.1 thousand military personnel).
Currently, the Russian military contingent is integral part created in accordance with the Russian-Moldavian Agreement of July 21, 1992 of the Joint Peacekeeping Force (JPF) to maintain peace in the zone of armed conflict in the Transnistrian region of the Republic of Moldova. This Agreement defines the period for the use of SMS in the conflict zone until the conflict is fully resolved.
Today, peacekeeping missions are carried out by 441 military personnel from the Russian Federation, 453 military personnel from the Republic of Moldova, 490 military personnel from the Pridnestrovian Moldavian Republic and 10 military observers from Ukraine.
The main tasks of the Russian military contingent: ensuring a ceasefire and security in the conflict zone; monitoring compliance with the terms of the truce and promoting the maintenance of law and order.
The peacekeeping contingent carries out tasks through observation, control and inspection Vehicle and persons entering (entering) the security zone and leaving (exiting) it.
The security zone has a depth of 225 km and a width of 12-20 km, is located between the conflicting parties and is divided into three sections: NORTH - 85 km long and up to 12 km wide; CENTRAL - 60 km long and up to 20 km wide; SOUTH - 80 km long and up to 14 km wide. The security zone has a high-security area with its center in the city of Bendery.
For 20 years, from 1992 to the present, peacekeeping units of the Armed Forces of the Russian Federation have successfully carried out tasks to ensure peace, stability and security in the zone of the Transnistrian-Moldovan armed conflict.
Since entering the conflict zone, Russian peacekeepers have detained about 120 thousand people for violating the security regime and seized more than 250 units small arms, about 160 thousand cartridges and more than 1.3 thousand hand grenades, discovered and neutralized almost 14 thousand explosive objects, including 6,455 anti-personnel mines, 2,864 anti-tank mines, 222 various landmines.
The Transnistrian Republic of Moldova is the only region in Eastern Europe where, after the introduction of a peacekeeping contingent, military operations ceased and were not resumed.
Russian peacekeepers in Transnistria find themselves under a real blockade. Kyiv demonstratively transferred an S-300 battery near Odessa, blocking the possibility of supply by air.
The joint blockade of Russian peacekeepers in Transnistria, started by Moldova and Ukraine, should not be underestimated.
The lack of supplies for this group could really undermine the very existence of the republic and affect the possibility of its support from Russia.
What can and should Moscow do in such a situation and specifically Russian Ministry defense?
Ukraine’s unilateral withdrawal from all agreements on military cooperation with Russia and the cessation of transit led to a potentially crisis situation around Russian peacekeepers in Transnistria.
Now our military personnel are practically in a circular blockade. And the Ukrainian command demonstratively transferred an S-300 battery near Odessa, blocking the possibility of supplying the PMR by air.
However, General of the Army Yakubov, coordinator of the Office of Inspectors General of the Russian Defense Ministry, stated that “the provision of peacekeepers will be carried out using an air bridge, in particular, military transport aircraft will be used.”
Ukrainian S-300s were demonstratively transported across Odessa and located in an open field near the village of Chernomorskoye. At the same time, Ukrainian propagandists and officials reassured the local population, saying that this was only a “planned relocation.” And yet, the cessation of supplies to Russian peacekeepers is directly related to the demonstrative strengthening of Odessa’s air defense.
In fact, by withdrawing from the agreements on military cooperation with Russia, the Rada simply legally formalized the already existing de facto situation.
For several months now, Kyiv has been blocking all supplies to Russian peacekeepers in Transnistria, including basic allowances.
What started as an attempt to prevent new Russian helicopters from entering the region has now grown into a total blockade.
The supply of the peacekeeping forces has been completely disrupted, they are not receiving any supplies at all, and the situation with fuel and lubricants will look most difficult after some time. Transnistria does not have its own oil refinery, and fuel in the republic is imported.
There will also be difficulties with the rotation of personnel of the peacekeeping contingent, since now neither Ukraine nor Moldova allows Russian military personnel to pass through their territory, or even expel them altogether. The latest example of this kind occurred just Friday.
This will inevitably lead to difficulties in the functioning of the peacekeeping forces, since they have extremely complex regulations. For example, the personnel of checkpoints is regulated down to the knowledge of languages by each soldier. The joint post consists of 8 people, 4 of whom are contract soldiers from Russia. One is the head of the post, the other has served his military service either in Russia or in the PMR, two more are not regulated. Two more reservists called up for three-month training from the PMR and two Russian-speaking from the army of Moldova.
At the same time, almost half of the 2,000-strong Russian contingent does not take part in direct service at checkpoints, since they are forced to guard the famous warehouses in Kolbasnaya. The fact is that, from the Russian point of view, old weapons from the reserve of Soviet troops stored there are the property of the Russian Ministry of Defense. And according to the laws of Transnistria, it is “the property of the multinational people of the PMR.” Therefore, it is better to protect it after all, otherwise they will immediately take it away.
The Pridnestrovians can be understood - they consider warehouses as an operational reserve, despite the fact that most of The shells have already deteriorated.
The peacekeepers are organized into four motorized rifle battalions, but almost half of their personnel are citizens of the PMR with a second Russian citizenship who have completed military service in Russia. And there are also local civilian personnel, also with Russian citizenship. It is located in the so-called “Red” and “White” barracks and at the same time performs the function of replenishing the Koshnitsky and Bendery sections.
Legally, all this is called the Operational Group of Russian Troops in the Transnistrian Region of the Republic of Moldova. Peacekeeping functions (at joint tripartite posts and at bilateral ones - RF-PMR - in Kolbasnaya) are again legally only assigned to this OGRF PR RM.
Such a complex structure looks vulnerable precisely because of its legal imperfection. Last fall, Moldova demanded from the rostrum of the UN General Assembly to withdraw Russian peacekeepers and replace them with international ones. At the same time, Moldova also de facto stopped cooperating with Russian peacekeeping forces.
Attempts to establish supplies and rotate trains through the Chisinau airport after Ukraine closed transit through Odessa failed. Russian troops found themselves in a virtual blockade, which Ukraine and Moldova have now simply begun to formalize legally.
Of course, it is possible to challenge all these decisions. Just as the status of peacekeepers is imperfect, the decisions of these two countries are far from perfect from the point of view of international law. But in the long term, this is a pointless exercise, since in this matter “our partners”, in principle, do not intend to take into account international norms.
The course towards squeezing Russian peacekeepers out of the PMR is so obvious that there is no point in holding any negotiations on improving their mandate. Another thing is that this whole story has been going on for a year, and in the last few months it has entered a phase of open confrontation. And all this time, Moscow practically did not react in any way to the periodic expulsions of Russian military personnel, to provocations and unfriendly acts. Perhaps they decided to simply not pay attention and endure it, counting on the rapid development of events in Ukraine.
But suddenly it suddenly became clear that there was simply no sensible strategy for supplying peacekeepers, overcoming the blockade and maintaining positions in the region. The last cargo that the Russians delivered to the PMR were mobile block containers - a kind of roadblock on wheels. Very useful thing under current conditions.
For so many years, the PMR has not built an airport or at least a runway that could independently accommodate large-capacity transport aircraft. Everything is clear with helicopters, but transport aircraft used to land in Odessa or Chisinau. And now where? In an open field? There are no alternative routes at all, and, what is most unpleasant, Russian transport workers will in any case have to fly over Ukrainian territory.
It was for these purposes that Ukraine deployed an S-300 battery in the area of the Chernomorskoye village near Odessa, right in an open field. In total, the APU has six such batteries in working condition. Odessa will be able to fire nine shots at a time. It will not reach the airspace of Crimea, but it is able to cover Odessa.
Of course, it is difficult to imagine that in a normal world, Ukrainian air defense would begin to shoot down Russian transport planes if they suddenly decide to fly there. But, firstly, no one can vouch for the fact that the Ukrainian leadership feels itself on the same planet and in the same time as us. Secondly, where, in fact, will Russian transport planes fly if neither Odessa nor Chisinau receives them? By and large, the Ukrainian S-300s do not pose much of a threat, given the capabilities of the Russian group in Crimea. But where to land?
One can theoretically imagine that all the supply of peacekeepers will be transferred to helicopters, and it was helicopters that General Yakubov had in mind when he spoke about the “air bridge.” There are places to land them, and they are even present in sufficient numbers and with crews. But then we will have to talk about a physical breakthrough of the blockade. The helicopters will fly straight to this very S-300 battery, they will be irradiated with radars, and then only God knows how everything will turn out. In addition to this battery, by the way, there is another air defense unit within the city of Odessa.
Inflaming the situation around the PMR is a deliberate move by Kyiv and Chisinau. This is a direct provocation, forcing Russia to take some kind of retaliatory measures. Even if not today, but in a couple of months, Moscow will be forced to break the blockade in one way or another. And no diplomatic moves or international discussions of the status of peacekeepers will help this. First of all, the current leadership of Moldova - in the form and condition in which it arrived in Riga for the Eastern Partnership summit - will block any constructive discussions. And there is no talk about Kyiv at all.
It seems promising to wait until the weak government of Moldova, which does not enjoy the support of the population, collapses on its own and pro-Russian forces come to power. But, firstly, this may not happen soon, and, secondly, we are not the only ones closely monitoring the situation in Moldova. In Chisinau, they usually do not bother themselves with complex political games, but prefer to simply remove opponents from elections, expel them from the country, and deport those they dislike. And the EU and NATO will certainly provide any support to a regime loyal to them. Just a month ago, NATO already conducted joint exercises with the Moldovan army directly in the area of responsibility of the peacekeeping forces, thereby violating all existing agreements. And nothing.
Exerting political or diplomatic pressure on Kyiv in such a situation is useless and pointless. They didn’t start all this in order to suddenly find a compromise with Moscow on the Transnistrian problem. And physical pressure on Ukraine, say, even just in the Odessa direction, is what Kyiv, strictly speaking, is seeking. Then he will be able to present the “fact of aggression” to Russia, and the “international arbitrators” will not understand the reality.
Pressure on Chisinau can only indirectly resolve the situation. The geography of the region is so unfortunate that it is necessary to fly over Ukraine in any case. But the S-300 has a lot of buttons, and no one can guarantee that they will be pressed in the correct order.
The Transnistrian conflict was simply bound to make itself felt sooner or later. It could not have happened that the PMR would have been able to sit on the sidelines.
But now events can begin to develop quite quickly. Much depends on how well the Russian Ministry of Defense chooses the strategy and tactics of behavior in this extremely complex and sensitive issue.
At the same time, we must understand that the military component of the crisis is, of course, very important now, but no one has canceled traditional diplomatic methods. The futility of negotiations on the topic of Transnistria with Kiev and Chisinau does not negate the possibility of dialogue with European countries, at least somehow influencing the particularly violent ones.
