Traditions of Siberians. Siberian customs and cuisine

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your identity.

Evenki traditions

Traditions, customs and culture of the Buryat people

Language, culture and art

Buryat customs, rites and traditions

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This is a historical and geographical area within the Asian part of Russia, which was inhabited in the Stone Age. Siberia first mentioned in the "Secret History of the Mongols", which speaks of the "forest peoples", including the Shibir or Sibir people. Since the 16th century, Russian explorers have been flocking to Siberia, rapidly exploring the harsh, unexplored regions. The systematic scientific study of Siberia began in 1696 by a decree of Peter I, who ordered the son of Tobolsk boyar Semyon Remezov to compile a geographical atlas of Siberia.

In natural terms, and stands out. Eastern Siberia occupies the territory from the Yenisei to the ridges of the Pacific watershed. The climate of Siberia is mostly harsh, sharply continental. Temperatures in January can drop to -30°, -40°C.

Historically, the ethnic population of Siberia is mixed; the indigenous people call themselves Siberians. Life among the harsh nature has left its mark on the Siberians, “What frightens others in Siberia is not only familiar to us (native Siberians), but also necessary; we breathe easier if there is frost in winter, not drops; we feel peace, not fear in the untouched, wild; immeasurable expanses and mighty rivers have shaped our free, restive soul" - V. Rasputin. A distinctive feature of Siberians is their peacefulness, honesty, goodwill and hospitality. According to the law of the taiga, they are always ready to help; most Siberians, especially hunters and fishermen, in comparison with their European compatriots, have greater endurance and resistance to disease. Siberians also distinguished themselves in the historical battle of Moscow in the Great Patriotic War, showing examples of courage and heroism on the battlefields. Paul Carell in “The History of the German Defeat in the East” considers one of the reasons for the defeat of the Germans near Moscow to be the entry of Siberian divisions into the battle.

Siberian cuisine

For a long time, local Siberians fed on the gifts of the taiga and lake. The prepared dishes did not differ in variety, but were nutritious and practical. Hunters and fishermen know many exotic recipes for cooking over a fire, using hot stones and coals. Siberians smoked, dried and salted the meat and fish they caught, and made supplies for the winter from berries and mushrooms. The combination of fish, game and taiga seasonings distinguish the Siberian table from European cuisine. These differences are more pronounced when eating in Siberia on the shore of a lake, but some dishes can also be tried in a restaurant.

The local highlight of Lake Baikal is the lightly salted Baikal omul, the fame of its delicate taste is known far beyond the borders of Siberia. There are different ways to salt Baikal omul, gutted and ungutted, depending on the cooking recipe and the time that has passed since the day of salting, the taste of the fish changes greatly. Freshly salted Baikal omul is so tender that even those who usually avoid fish eat several tails of it at a time. Among gourmets it is valued as an ideal snack for chilled vodka. Many tourists try to take away Baikal omul as gifts for family and friends.

Siberian dumplings and Siberian-style meat are also widely known. In the old days, hunters Siberia When going to the taiga in winter, they took with them frozen dumplings in canvas bags, which they just had to throw into boiling water, and after they surfaced, a dish with large and fragrant dumplings was ready. In most restaurants you can order dumplings prepared according to a more complex recipe: in bone broth with liver, in pots covered with freshly baked flatbread. Fried dumplings are also very tasty.

A special feature of cooking meat in the Siberian and taiga style are taiga seasonings made from fern and wild garlic, which are rolled into the meat. The meat is served with oven-baked potatoes and frozen berries, usually lingonberries or cranberries. Hunters in Siberia, according to one of the recipes, cut wild meat into thin long pieces, sprinkle it with salt, mix it in a pot and string it on wooden splinters or branches. Sticks of meat are stuck around the coals of the fire and dried in the smoke. Meat prepared in this way can be stored for a long time in the summer. While moving, it is good to gnaw on slices of meat to maintain strength and restore the lack of salts in the body.

The home cooking of Siberians is very different from restaurant menus. As a rule, a lot of pickles are prepared at home for the winter. If you visit Siberians, the table will definitely have tomatoes in their own juice, cucumbers, cabbage, salted milk mushrooms and saffron milk caps, pickled boletus, homemade zucchini caviar, and taiga berry jam. Sauerkraut is sometimes prepared together with lingonberries or cranberries. Less commonly you can find a salad made from fern and wild garlic.

And, of course, a table is unthinkable without homemade pies. They can be of the most intricate shapes and with various fillings: with lingonberries, fish, wild garlic, rice, mushrooms and eggs.

Traditionally, lingonberry drink or fruit drink is placed on the table. Add frozen sea buckthorn or lingonberries to tea.

Buryat food, as a rule, is easy to prepare and nutritious; meat and dairy dishes predominate. Popular in, especially widespread in, Buryat poses. To prepare them, minced minced meat is made from pork, lamb, and beef. The minced meat is rolled into the dough so that there is a hole at the top for steam. The poses are quickly prepared by steaming boiling fat in a covered pan. Rarely, you can still find in villages tarasun - an alcoholic tonic drink made from milk, which has a specific smell, and salamat - a dairy product prepared from high-quality sour cream over a fire with the addition of salt, flour and cold water when boiling.

Authentic Baikal fish soup with smoke, grilled fish, and fresh wild garlic salad can only be truly appreciated by a taiga fire during a trip to Lake Baikal. An exotic Baikal-style dinner includes a weak firelight, several old newspapers on which a simple table is set, a blackened pot with boiled potatoes, a bunch of wild garlic and lots and lots of lightly salted omul.

And such exotic things as stroganina (raw frozen roe deer meat) or raskolok (raw frozen Baikal fish), which are eaten raw with spices, can only be tasted in winter on the lake Baikal while hunting or fishing. You should avoid trying bear meat, even heat-treated, unless it has been veterinary examined.

The local population values ​​salted omul most of all. In the summer, they prefer omul on rods.

Siberian bath

From the Tale of Bygone Years, 12th century - “I saw an amazing thing in the Slavic land on my way here. I saw wooden bathhouses, and they would burn them red hot, and they would undress, and they would be naked, and they would douse themselves with leather kvass, and they would lift up young rods on themselves, and They beat themselves, and they finish themselves off so much that they barely come out alive, and they douse themselves with cold water, and that’s the only way they will come to life. And they do this every day, not tormented by anyone, but they torture themselves, and then they perform ablution for themselves, and not torment ".

The Baikal bathhouse on the shore of Lake Baikal is a must-have exotic attribute for those who come to Lake Baikal. Many are tempted by the opportunity to plunge into the clear, icy water of Lake Baikal, running straight out of the steam room. Where else in the world do baths have such a huge natural pool! Particularly strong impressions remain from swimming after a steam room on Lake Baikal in an ice hole in winter. Most of the existing bathhouses on the coast of Lake Baikal are heated in white, but in the old days many of them were heated in black, i.e. the smoke remained inside the bathhouse, saturating the air with heat and smell.

If you go to a bathhouse with Siberians, get ready for intense heat, a steam room with a birch broom and mandatory periodic swimming in the icy water of Lake Baikal or in the snow.

Siberian customs

The customs and traditions of Siberians are rooted in the cultural heritage of ancient peoples who in the past inhabited the territory of modern Lake Baikal. Some of the customs are, in fact, echoes of ancient shamanic and Buddhist rituals, the religious content and purpose of which were lost over time, but certain ritual actions are observed and still exist among the local population.

Many beliefs and prohibitions have common roots of Central Asian origin, and therefore are the same among the Mongols and Buryats. These include the developed cult of obo, the cult of mountains, and the worship of the Eternal Blue Sky (Huhe Munhe Tengri). Heaven, according to the Mongols, sees all the actions and thoughts of a person who can never hide from heavenly justice: that is why the Mongols, feeling right, exclaimed: “Heaven, you be the judge.” You must stop near the obo and respectfully present gifts to the spirits. If you don’t stop at the obo and don’t make a sacrifice, there will be no luck. According to Buryat belief, every mountain and valley has its own spirit. A person without spirits is nothing. It is necessary to appease the spirits that are everywhere so that they do not harm and provide assistance. The Buryats have a custom of “sprinkling” the spirits of the area. As a rule, before drinking alcohol, drop a little drop of alcohol onto the table from a glass or with one finger, usually the ring finger, lightly touch the alcohol and splash upwards. Accept that you will have to stop and “splash” alcohol in the most unexpected places during your trip.

Among the main traditions is the sacred veneration of nature; one must not harm nature, catch or kill young birds, cut down young trees near springs, or unnecessarily tear up plants and flowers. You cannot throw garbage or spit into the sacred waters of the lake. Baikal, leave behind traces of presence, for example, overturned turf, garbage, fire. Near the Arshan water source you cannot wash dirty clothes, you cannot break them, dig them up, touch the serge - hitching post, or light a fire nearby. One should not desecrate a sacred place with bad actions, thoughts or words, one should not shout loudly or get very drunk.

Particular respect must be shown to elders; one must not offend the elderly. Offending elders is the same sin as depriving a living creature of life.

The ancient customs of the Siberians have preserved their respectful attitude towards the fire of their hearth. Fire is credited with a magical cleansing effect; cleansing by fire was considered a necessary ritual so that guests would not create or bring any evil. There is a known case from the history of Siberia when the Mongols mercilessly executed Russian ambassadors simply for refusing to pass between two fires in front of the khan’s headquarters; purification by fire is still widely used today in Siberian shamanic practices. You must not thrust a knife into the fire, or touch the fire in any way with a knife or sharp object, or remove meat from the cauldron with a knife. It is considered a great sin to splash milk into the fire of the hearth; you cannot throw garbage or rags into the fire of the hearth. It is forbidden to give fire from the hearth to another house or yurt.

There are certain rules when visiting Buryat yurts. When entering, you cannot step on the threshold of the yurt - this is considered impolite; in the old days, a guest who deliberately stepped on the threshold was considered an enemy, announcing his evil intentions to the owner. Weapons and luggage, as a sign of your good intentions, must be left outside; you cannot enter the yurt with any burden; it is believed that the person who did this has the bad inclinations of a thief, a robber. The northern half of the yurt is more honorable; guests are received here; you cannot sit down without permission, without an invitation, on the northern, honorable side. The eastern half of the yurt (usually to the right of the door, the entrance of the yurt is always facing south) is female, the western half (usually to the left of the door) is male, this division continues to this day.

The local population is hospitable and always treats its guests when they come to the house, it is customary to take off their shoes at the doorstep. Usually a table is set for guests with hot dishes, a variety of pickles and snacks, and vodka will be present on the table. During a feast, guests do not have the right to change their places, you cannot leave without trying the hosts' treats. When bringing tea to the guest, the hostess gives the bowl with both hands as a sign of respect, the guest must also accept it with both hands - by this he shows respect for the house. In Mongolia, there is a custom of using the right hand; during the greeting ceremony, the bowl is passed only with the right hand. And naturally, you need to accept any offering with your right hand or both hands.

To emphasize special respect, as a sign of greeting, the guest is presented with two hands folded with palms, as in a Buddhist bow; shaking hands in this case is also done with both hands simultaneously.

When visiting Buddhist datsans, you need to move clockwise inside the temple and before visiting, walk around the temple area in the direction of the sun, rotating all the prayer wheels. You cannot go into the center of the temple during services and take photographs without permission. Inside the temple, you should avoid moving and fussy activities, talk loudly, and you should not enter the temple in shorts.

At tailagans, or shamanic rituals, one should not try to touch shamanic clothing, a tambourine, and especially not to put on any of the shamanic attributes on oneself in order to take a photo. Even a shaman will rarely put on something belonging to someone else’s shaman, and if he does so, it is only after an appropriate cleansing ritual. There is a belief that certain objects, especially those associated with magic, carry a certain amount of power. It is strictly forbidden for an ordinary person to say out loud shamanic prayers - durdalga - for the sake of entertainment.

And Ulan-Ude organizes various tours around Siberia and Lake Baikal.

Completed by: Oputina E.N.

Checked by: Popova E.M.

Region and people

Beyond the Ural Mountains in the basins of the Ob and Yenisei rivers live the Khanty, Mansi, Selkups and Kets. This region is called Western Siberia.

In the north of Western Siberia, the sun does not set in spring and early summer. This time is called white nights.

There are more than two thousand rivers and streams in Western Siberia. The largest of them are the Ob and its tributary the Irtysh. These rivers are navigable.

The climate here is continental, winter is long and frosty, spring is late, summer is short, and autumn is early.

There are a lot of animals and birds. The most important of them are the brown bear, which is called the master of the taiga, wild reindeer that comes here from the northern tundra, elk and valuable fur-bearing animals.

The forest is also rich in various valuable tree species. The most valuable tree is Siberian cedar. Its durable, soft and light wood is an excellent construction and ornamental material. A house made of cedar logs has been standing for hundreds of years, and milk will not sour in cedar dishes. Pine nuts are very useful. Resin and cedar roots are used: resin is used to resin boats, and the roots are used to sew birch bark, boats, and sleds together like ropes.

There are also birch trees. They are used to make firewood for the stove, brooms for the bathhouse, furniture, skis, tar, and coal. From bark - birch bark - they sew panels to cover huts, make tees and boxes. Mansi carve various crafts from birch wood. To do this, the wood is first boiled in fat to prevent it from cracking. In spring, residents drink juice. This juice can be used as a dye by boiling it to turn orange and even brown.

There are so many berries in Western Siberia that they are collected not by hand, but by special scoops. Currants, blueberries, raspberries, lingonberries... Housewives bake delicious pies from them, make jam, and make juices. There are also a lot of mushrooms. But the indigenous population does not eat them; they believe that mushrooms are food for deer.

The indigenous inhabitants of Western Siberia speak languages ​​of different language families, but are very similar to each other in terms of the type of economy and their culture.

The Khanty and Mansi are the peoples of the Ugric group of the Finno-Ugric family of languages. They are called the Ob Ugrians (named after the Ob River, near which they live). In Europe, on the Danube River, the Ugrians, the Danube, also live. Once upon a time, the ancestors of the Danube Ugrians (Hungarians) lived in the Southern Urals, and then some of them moved to the Danube. The Khanty are one of the most numerous indigenous peoples of Siberia. Mansi is three times smaller than the Khanty.

The Selkups are the people of the Samoyed language group. Their closest relatives in terms of language and origin live in the Far North of Siberia, these are the Nenets, Enets and Nganasans. The Selkups live along the banks of the Ob and Taz rivers and are very similar to the Khanty and Mansi.

Kets live on the Yenisei River and its tributaries. The economy and culture of the Kets are also similar to the Khanty and Selkup, but their language is special, it has no analogues in the languages ​​of other peoples.

Pages of history

The ancestors of the Khanty, Mansi, Selkup and Kets were ancient tribes who lived in Western Siberia during the Neolithic and Bronze Ages, i.e. in the fifth - third millennium BC. They hunted and fished, ate the meat of killed animals and fish, and dressed in clothes made from animal skins and fish skins. In the summer they traveled by boats, and in the winter on skis and dogs. They lived in dugouts and made all their utensils from wood, tree bark, bones, and fur. Women also sculpted dishes from clay and decorated them with geometric patterns similar to the tracks of animals and birds, as well as molded figurines of animals and birds.

Cloth

In winter, men wear close-fitting fur clothing (without various fasteners) called malitsa. It is sewn from deerskin with short pile with the fur inside. On top they put on the same straight and wide shirt made of bright chintz. When they set out on a long journey with reindeer, they put another sokui on top. Sokui is also a flat, long garment of straight cut, flared downwards. It is made from the fur of a deer that was killed in winter; the pile of such fur is long. The sokui has a hood and mittens sewn to the sleeves. In such clothes you can even spend the night in the snow... An indispensable accessory of a man's suit is a belt, to which decorations carved from bone are sewn. A sheath with a knife is hung from the belt, and hunters also carry various leather bags and wooden cases with ammunition.

Women in winter wear wide and long coats made of deer fur, trimmed at the bottom with a strip of fur with long pile. The hem, flaps and sleeves of such a fur coat are decorated with stripes of fur mosaic, colored cloth, and embroidered with beads. For mosaics, geometric patterns are mainly used.

Winter shoes are high boots made of deer fur with short pile. Boots are usually tied to the belt with leather ties; men's boots are also tied below the knees with colored wool laces. Like a fur coat, they are decorated with a fur mosaic and strips of colored cloth inserted into the seams. Fur stockings (fur inside) are worn in winter boots.

In winter, men cover their heads with a hood, and women with scarves. They especially like large and colorful ones, with tassels. Some women prefer bonnets made of deer, lynx or arctic fox fur, also decorated with fur mosaic or cloth.

For sewing fur clothes and shoes, threads are made from dried deer tendons.

Men's shirts and women's dresses were made of cotton or satin, straight cut, with a slit and fastener on the chest; they were decorated with appliqué or beadwork at the collar, cuffs and hem. In some places, women wore a satin robe over their dresses. Robes were made from satin and broadcloth in bright colors and decorated with appliques, beads, and metal plaques; they were worn in spring and autumn as coats.

Women wear flat rings made of light metal on their hands, sometimes several on each finger.

In spring and autumn they also wear boots, only made of suede. They are painted with brown patterns using birch sap or a decoction of larch bark. Before putting on such boots, the feet are wrapped in dry grass, which is prepared for the entire family by women. Suede shoes are very light and dry quickly.

Women also love leather shoes embroidered with colored beads. They are worn with long socks knitted with dyed dog hair.

Kitchen

They love fish very much. They eat it in any form. A common food is fish soup. They eat it like this: the fish is taken out of the cauldron with a large wooden spoon and placed in a small trough made of wood, and the broth is poured into mugs, and the fish is washed down with it.

They also eat soups, cutlets, meat, nuts, berries, cereals, pancakes. A traditional dish is berries with fish oil.

Fish, meat, berries, and nuts are prepared by the entire extended family or even several families of relatives. This custom has been preserved since ancient times, when hunters and fishermen lived in very large families, together with married sons. Gradually the family became smaller. Now, when sons get married, they separate and live on their own. Nowadays, usually only the youngest son and his family live with their parents. But family ties remain.

The family has in common a home, outbuildings, large fishing nets, and large boats for travel. The size of food supplies in the family is determined by the eldest woman. Excess food is given to relatives, primarily the elderly, single or with many children. If there is not enough fish or meat, you can borrow it from a neighboring family. According to unwritten laws, there is no need to return them, but if they borrow products bought in a store, they will certainly be returned. Meat and fish are considered common in the family, but each married couple buys tea, sugar, bread and other prepared foods for themselves separately. Each housewife has her own table and her own dishes. The father and his married son together own deer, a house, barns, traps, boats, but each has his own guns and tools, separately they sell the harvested furs and spend the money.

According to tradition, the property of a woman in a family is the bread oven she built, as well as her dowry, including deer, birch bark products, and sewing accessories. Among the Mansi, a woman used to own all the clothes and shoes that she made, including men's.

Khanty and Mansi in the family call each other not by name, but by terms of kinship: son, youngest son, eldest daughter, father, mother, etc. This is a surviving tradition associated with the ancient ideas of the Khanty and Mansi about the soul. It was once believed that the soul of a deceased person was reborn in a newborn relative and an identical name. The child was given the name of the deceased, but was addressed by the term of kinship of the one who died. Therefore, it happened that the aunt, addressing her niece, called her mother, because the child was given the name of her deceased mother. The belief in the transmigration of souls has long disappeared, but the tradition of calling each other by the term of kinship remains.

Customs, rituals, holidays

For many years there were ancient forms of religions (totemism, trade cult, bear cult). The bear was considered the ancestor of large clan groups; various supernatural properties were attributed to it: it was reborn after death, understood human speech, and could recognize any of its “relatives” - humans. It was impossible to kill a bear, eat its meat, or use its skin. The bear was called by kinship terms: grandfather, brother, etc. Over time, the ban on killing bears was lifted, and the main concern of the hunters was to deflect blame for the killing. Having killed the bear, the hunters told him: “Well, grandfather, let’s come to visit us, we will undress you and put you in a place of honor.” When the bear was skinned (undressed), everyone croaked loudly like a crow to confuse the bear. Then the skin was placed in a place of honor, and everyone brought the “guest” a gift - a coin, a ribbon, a scarf. When bear meat was boiled, the bones were taken apart at the joints and then buried along with the skull. This was supposed to help the bear to be reborn. They ate the meat with chopsticks so as not to touch it with their hands. After the meal, all participants “purified themselves”: they poured water on each other or sprinkled snow on each other. Such ritual actions accompanied every successful bear hunt.

Gradually, the religious meaning of this ceremony was lost, and some of its elements turned into entertainment acts, obligatory on any holiday, in particular on the occasion of a successful hunt. In every village today there are three or four “artists” who are indispensable participants in such performances. Here, for example, is one of the performances: In the evening, all the residents - Mansi - came to the house of the hunter who killed the bear. In the room, on the table, the bear skin was folded so that it seemed as if a living bear was sleeping, its head resting on its paws. There was a treat in front of him - a glass of vodka, candy, cookies in the shape of an elk, a deer: a guest is a guest. Hunters and the leader of the holiday, an old man, were sitting at the table. The participants of the holiday noisily sat down, excitedly discussing the merits of the killed bear. But then everyone fell silent: a man in a birch bark mask with a long nose entered the house. He performed the pantomime “Hunter Kills a Bear”. The next artist, also wearing a mask, sang to the music about the life of a bear in the forest. What followed were sketches of a comedic and satirical nature from the lives of hunters and fishermen. It was clear that the artists were making fun of someone present. The scenes were interspersed with dances. Women danced in bright dresses. The holiday lasted several days.

Higher, music, flight!

The floor is rumbling

Paul laughs

The floor is underfoot

Louder, friend!

Wider circle!

Look,

In a red shirt

The guy came out -

Falcon is clear!

The guy has a mask on his face.

So he stomped like a bear.

This is a bear dance for you!

We must stomp and roar.

Funeral rite

In the old days it was believed that every person had several souls. When a person died, his likeness was made from wood or metal - a small doll, where one of the souls of the deceased seemed to live, waiting to be transferred to a newborn. The doll was kept in the deceased's house for 4-5 years. Another soul passed into the afterlife, which was not much different from the earthly one. This soul needed the same house and all other things as during human life. Small things were placed in a coffin (sometimes a boat was used instead of a coffin), larger ones in the grave, and the rest around the house on the grave. Thus, together with the deceased, all his belongings were taken to the cemetery - clothes, household and labor items - bows, arrows, even old guns. If a person died in a foreign land, his clothes and belongings were buried so that his soul could live near his native village.

Relatives bury their dead in one row. In each such row there is a place for a fire, around which all relatives gather for the funeral.

Wedding ceremony

Wedding rituals in the old days were reduced to matchmaking, during which the parents of the bride and groom agreed on the bride price - payment for the bride - and the wedding feast.

The matchmaking lasted for many days, sometimes weeks. The matchmakers came to the bride's house many times. The bride's parents were paid in money, deer, fabrics, iron objects - cauldrons, axes, knives. If there was no money to pay the bride price, the girl was kidnapped.

One elderly Khanty woman told how she was married off. One day her parents received a gift from a Khanty family from a distant village - a scarf. This meant that the groom's parents had chosen a bride for him and would soon send matchmakers. The girl’s father took the handkerchief, which means he was ready to accept the matchmakers.

A few days later, a reindeer team arrived at the house. There was a knock of the staff. It was the matchmaker knocking on the door with a carved stick wrapped in a scarf. The matchmaker and the groom's parents entered the house and began to talk to the bride's parents, but they were silent, as usual. Matchmakers came several times, bringing gifts of wine, an ax, or a scarf. Finally we agreed on the dowry. It was a medium-sized bride price - 2 deer, cloth for the bride’s robe and 20 rubles.

After the matchmaking, the groom came into the house and sat with his back to the bride, who was sitting in the canopy in a new dress. She saw him for the first time.

Meanwhile, the table was set for the wedding feast. The matchmaker, parents, relatives of the bride and groom drank wine, tea, ate and food prepared by the groom's relatives. Then the bride and groom drank tea from the same saucer at the table.

During the wedding feast, the bride covered her face with a scarf so that she would not be seen by her husband's older relatives, who could not marry her if she became a widow. But she did not hide her face from her husband’s younger relatives. She knew that if she became a widow, her husband's younger brother would marry her, even if he had a wife and children. This ancient custom was dictated by the norms of tribal morality. Thanks to him, the children and property of the deceased remained in the family, and the family received a breadwinner.

The wedding feast lasted 2 days. Then the wedding train - several reindeer teams - took the bride to the groom's village. So she became a married woman.

Fisherman's Day

Fisherman's Day is celebrated interestingly and cheerfully in Khanty villages on the Ob. Families of fishermen gather on the river bank and a folk festival takes place. There are traditional fish soup and fish pies. On the river there are light boat races and fishermen's competitions. National songs are sung and young people are dancing.

Folk art

The uniqueness of the creativity of local residents, their subtle taste is manifested in the decoration of clothes, shoes, hats, and utensils. These are fur mosaics, cloth mosaics, fabric appliqués, sewing and beadwork, deer hair embroidery, birch bark products and designs on them, wood carvings.

Fur coats, dresses, and shoes are decorated with beaded embroidery. Simple geometric patterns, but bold color combinations. The ornament is not only geometric, but also includes conventional symbolism - images of birds and animals.

Fur products are also very attractive.

The musical art of the peoples of Western Siberia is also unique. They have an interesting, very simple and ancient musical instrument, the Tumran or Jew's harp. This is a narrow bone plate with a cut tongue. Tumran makes original low sounds. Only women play it. Another female musical instrument is similar in shape to a violin. It has one or two strings, and the bow is a small bow with a tuft of horsehair stretched on it.

Men's musical instruments are stringed only. One of them resembles a Slavic gusli. It is made in the shape of a boat from if or fir. The boat is covered on top with a board on which 5-6 strings of deer or elk tendons are stretched. The musician holds it on his lap, plucking the strings with his fingers. In Khanty, these harps are called “playing tree,” and the Mansi name comes from the verb - to ring.

A particularly interesting instrument is the harp type. Its shape resembles a bird - a swan or a crane, which is why it is called that. From the neck to the back of the bird there are 9 to 13 copper strings stretched.

The folklore of the Khanty, Mansi, Kets and Selkups is ancient and rich. Folk memory carefully preserves tales about animals, old rituals, and tools. Many traditions that have reached us can only be explained thanks to folklore. For example, when a child is born in a family and he is given a name, the man is not present, he is not allowed. Why? You can learn about this from the old Mansi fairy tale “Where the earth began”:

“ Two birds - a large auk and a little auk - wanted to get the earth from the bottom of the sea. The big loon dived for a long time, but did not reach the bottom. Then the little auk dived. I dived and dived, but didn’t get anything either.

Let's dive in together! - the little auk says to the big loon.

We dived together. We swam and swam, ran out of breath, and came back. We breathed a little and dived again. They sank deep, but did not reach the bottom. We caught our breath and dived for the third time. They descended for a long time, finally reached the bottom, took a piece of land and set off on the way back. The loons were under water for a very long time. Therefore, when they went up, the big loon began to bleed from its chest. That is why the loon now has a red chest. The little auk began to bleed from the back of his head, and now all auks have a red back of their head.

The birds laid the earth on the water. The earth began to grow...

A lot of time has passed. The daughter of the Spirit of Heaven went to her father and said:

Now we need to make a person...

The Spirit of Heaven called his brother, the Spirit of the lower world, and ordered him to make a man. He made seven clay figurines and brought them to his brother. The Spirit of Heaven said:

Take these clay people to our sister, Mother of the Earth. Let her revive them.

The Spirit of the lower world went to Mother Earth and said:

Sister, can you revive these people?

“I will revive you,” answered the Mother of the Earth, “only you leave here.”

Since then, when people are born, men must leave.”

Singing tradition

(Irkutsk, Kemerovo, Kurgan, Magadan, Novosibirsk, Omsk, Tomsk, Chita regions, Altai and Krasnodar regions)

Here we find similarities with the Ural tradition:

· Low chanting

· Sedentary lower jaw

· Chest resonance. The head sound resembles the sound of a horn, and at times the sound of a child's voice.

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Rituals of the peoples of Siberia

1. Shokhmoylar ritual

rite Central Asian ritual marriage agriculture

One of the most important agricultural rituals is the ritual known as “shohmoylar” and associated with the beginning of plowing, when bulls harnessed to an omach (local plow) are brought to the fields. It is celebrated especially solemnly and cheerfully. Usually this day was appointed by the oldest and most experienced farmer (aksakal). According to the ideas of farmers, the shohmoylar ritual had to be performed only on Mondays, Wednesdays or Fridays, because these days are considered happy, bringing good luck. Mostly, bulls harnessed to the omach were taken to the fields at the beginning of Nowruz, but sometimes, if the soil was ready for plowing, depending on weather conditions, it was possible to take them out earlier, before Nowruz.

The entire population prepared for the Shokhmoylar celebrations in wealthy villages: each family prepared various dishes, flatbreads, patir and katlama (puff fried bread), bugirsak and pussik (ritual dishes). Before the start of the holiday, the place where it was held was swept and put in order, covered with felts and carpets, and a tablecloth was prepared with various dishes. After the entire village gathered, the aksakal gave a holiday blessing, expressing good wishes. Then the collected food was distributed to fellow villagers. The celebrations ended with the “Kush Chikarish” ritual, when two oxen harnessed to a plow were brought out onto the field, vegetable oil was applied to their horns, and ritual flat cakes (kulcha) were distributed to the respected elders of the village and other participants in the ritual, specially baked from last year’s last handful of grain. A piece of kulcha was also given to harnessed oxen. Lubricating the horns of animals with oil was due to the fact that it supposedly protected them from bad misfortunes and evil spirits. For the same purpose, oxen were fumigated with the smoke of medicinal herbs (isirik).

The first furrow was carried out by one of the most revered elders of the village, who had many children and grandchildren. To the best of his ability, he drove the harnessed horse across the field one, three or five times, i.e. an odd number of times, then, as a start, he took a handful of grain from last year’s harvest and scattered it across the arable field. So, having made the first furrow, the farmers return home and continue to feast. On the eve of the “Shohmoylar” celebration, before the start of plowing, rich farms held a feast (ziyofat) for relatives and friends with the participation of the clergy, where, in addition to refreshments, they read the peasant charter (risola) and other books, mainly of a religious nature.

2. Rite (ritual) of calling rain

One of the most important rituals associated with agriculture and cattle breeding and dating back to ancient times is the ritual of calling rain. As is known, the population of rain-fed lands and pastoral areas always needs rainwater from the onset of spring until the beginning of summer. The Uzbeks and other Central Asian peoples irrigated their lands with rainwater, and therefore sowed it with rain-fed seeds (lalmi or kairaki). When the year has little rain, agriculture is in danger. Therefore, in the spring, the local population annually held rituals to call for rain (sust Khotin, Chala Khotin).

This ritual was carried out on a certain day. However, according to the superstitious beliefs of farmers, this day had to coincide with the lucky day of the week. The first stage of the ritual began with organizational activities, for which capable organizers were selected from among ordinary officials or energetic community members who prepared everything necessary for the ritual. So, for example, among the Lokai Uzbeks, specifically for the ritual celebration, it was necessary to prepare one pumpkin for water, two reed tubes, two turtles, one donkey and a bag (khurjun) for collecting alms. The most important element - in the middle of the garden, a wooden effigy of an old woman dressed in a woman's dress was displayed. It should be noted, however, that the “sust hotin” ritual had specific features in each area based on the nature of the participants, their gender and age, and some other elements.

The ritual of calling rain was most widespread in Jizzakh, Surkhandarya and Kashkadarya, where there were many rain-fed lands. According to the folk scenario, on the day of the ritual, at the scheduled time, ten to fifteen women put an old woman’s dress on a specially prepared effigy, one of the women took it in her hands and, leading the other women, walked around all the courtyards of the village or mahalla, singing the couplets “Sust Khotin”. The owner of each house happily greeted the participants in the procession, doused the scarecrow with water and, if possible, distributed gifts. The ritual song expressed the wish for a good grain harvest, joy for the owners of the house, abundance and a happy life for the people, and most importantly, they asked “Sust Khotin” to bestow the earth with abundant rain. It says:

May it be a fruitful year, Sust Khotin,

The farmer's house will be filled with grain, Sust Khotin,

Give them more rain, Sust Khotin,

Ruin goes to bad people, Sust Khotin,

Feed the people to their full, Sust Khotin!

According to ethnographic data, until the middle of the last century, the “Sust Khotin” ritual was carried out every spring, sometimes even two or three times a year. In the village of Kallik, Shurchinsky district and villages in its district, among the Uzbek Lokais of Southern Tajikistan, this ritual was performed mainly by men. For the procession, instead of a scarecrow, one of the men was dressed in women's clothing.

The Lokai procession involved 15-20 people, of whom two scantily clad men were put on a donkey backwards, and between them two turtles tied by the paws were hung. One of these men held a pumpkin for water, the other held reed tubes, which, when the pumpkin rotated, made a sound that supposedly came from exhausted turtles. The rest of the participants, walking behind the donkey, sang “Sust Khotin” and walked around the courtyards of the village. The owners poured water on the donkey riders and then presented them with gifts. The gifts mainly consisted of cakes, grains and sweets. Sometimes they even gave livestock - a cow or a horse, as well as money - depending on the wealth of the owner.

In the Karakul and Alat districts of the Bukhara region, the ritual of calling rain, depending on the conditions of a particular area, had a unique character (chala khotin). And here its participants walked around the courtyards of the village or mahalla with a wooden effigy in their hands and collected alms. Following the procession, five or six guys carried a scarecrow, asking the Almighty (tangri) to give rain and singing the song “Chala Khotin”:

Loves Chala Khotin,

Respects Chala Khotin,

I am my mother's firstborn, because

I ask for rain.

If God willing, let it rain with all its might.

Loves Chala Khotin,

Respects Chala Khotin.

After the completion of the ritual procession, all the collected gifts are treated to fellow villagers or residents of the mahalla. Usually the treat is organized at the makhalla guzar or in the lap of nature.

According to archaeologists and ethnographers, from ancient times, many peoples, including the ancestors of the Uzbeks, had a custom of symbolically depicting gods or saints in the form of sculptures, dolls or stuffed animals, which were worshiped and dedicated to various ceremonies. The rite of calling rain “Sust Khotin” ended with the symbolic image of a female image being burned or thrown into a well, which indicates the existence of a custom of sacrifice among our distant ancestors.

According to ethnographic data, it is well known that until recently living people were sacrificed in order to appease the Almighty. So, in the Khiva Khanate they followed this custom during floods or the overflow of the Amu Darya, and the Indians of Central America annually sacrificed young beautiful girls to the gods, who were prepared for this in advance. Subsequently, this barbaric custom was changed: instead of a person, they began to sacrifice an animal, as clearly evidenced by the legend about the son of Ibrahim (Abraham) - Ismail.

3. Ritual of summoning the wind

The ritual of calling the wind or stopping it has been known since the era of matriarchy. Until recently, the peoples of Siberia deified the wind, likening it to a stone man, and sacrificed large stones and rocks to appease it, cause or stop the wind. According to the beliefs of some peoples, the wind is created by a woman with miraculous power. The Uzbeks of the Fergana Valley were sure that the wind was born in a cave, the patron of which was a creature in the form of an old woman.

The Uzbeks of Southern Kazakhstan have preserved a ritual known as “Choi momo”. The famous ethnographer A. Divaev gave a brief account of this ritual at the beginning of the century. According to his description, in the summer, especially when grain crops ripen, a strong wind arises, which causes great damage to wheat, millet, barley and other grains. To prevent the loss of the harvest, several elderly women, having smeared their faces with soot, “ridden” the long pestle of the mortar like a horse, and taking in their hands a twig hung with colorful rags, neigh loudly, like a horse, and sing the song “Choy momo.” Residents of the village or mahallas presented gifts to the ceremony participants.

According to some authors, “Choy momo” is an old Turkic ceremony, and its name is a distorted form of the word “chal”, meaning wind. Apparently, the ritual was originally called “chal momo,” which in Uzbek should have sounded like “shamol momo.” A. Divaev also suggests that “choy momo” as a distorted name “chal”, meaning “old gray-haired man,” can be translated as “kari momo” (old woman), but he does not describe the ceremony itself.

Noteworthy is the description of the “Choi Momo” ritual by the famous folklorist B. Sarymsakov based on the material he collected from the Sairam Uzbeks from Southern Kazakhstan. Two old women, dressed in old clothes and smearing their faces with soot, walked ahead of the ceremony participants with a staff in their hand, singing the song “Choi Momo.” The old women were followed by five adult girls, covering their heads with a red shalcha (a small homespun rug) and singing a ceremonial song. Behind them were boys of seven or eight years old, who were dragging a donkey with a large khurjun on its back, a long rolling pin or pestle and a soft broom tied together. So the participants of the procession walked through the village, going around every house and singing the song “Choi Momo”.

Each owner of the house was obliged, based on his capabilities, to allocate a share of wheat, flour, eggs, bread or money. Participants in the ceremony, having walked around the entire village for one or two days, prepared chalpaks (thin flatbreads fried in oil) from the collected alms, twelve of which were dedicated to the patron of the wind - buried in the ground or placed in a sacred place. The girls covered themselves with a shawl to prevent the wind from getting stronger. Sometimes the collected alms were sold at the market and the proceeds were used to buy livestock, which they then sacrificed to the wind. Ritual shurpa was cooked from the donated meat, which was treated to fellow villagers, and the remains were taken to a sacred place in the village, sacrificing them to the wind so that it would not be angry.

The organization and conduct of this ceremony was usually entrusted to women. The representation of the patroness of the winds in the form of a woman testified not only to the honorable role of women, but also to the preservation of elements of matriarchy in this community. The participation of five adult girls covered in a red shawl in the ceremony genetically refers to primitive matriarchal rites. The number of girls participating (five), the use of five objects and other elements of this ancient rite are also of a primitive magical nature. To this day, such elements of the ritual as jumping over a broom and touching it are considered magical.

The same importance is attached to individual elements of the “Choi Momo” ritual. This is evidenced by the content of the ritual song sung during the ceremony. Smearing the face with soot is also associated with magic. It is noteworthy that the ritual song contains not only an appeal to the patroness of the wind with a prayer to stop the strong storm, because at the same time ears and haystacks scatter, which worries people, but also a threat to her: “I will stop your storm” (buronni tindiraman) or “I will break your share" (emishingni sindiraman). The song ends with a request to relatives (fellow villagers) to be generous in order to appease the raging wind.

Summoning the wind or calming it through ritual ceremonies is performed not only in the summer, when the harvest is ripe, but also in the fall, during sudden changes in weather, especially during the grain harvest.

4. Ritual of oblo baraka

Holidays and rituals associated with the summer season and of a social nature were usually held during the ripening period of the harvest, when it was abundant or early ripening, in preparation for winter, etc. Preparation for winter, associated with the preparation of food, caring for clothes and shoes, housing and household utensils, also found its expression in various rituals and holidays. One of these rituals is mowing the last ear of wheat. The Uzbeks called this custom “Oblo baraka” (Syr Darya, Galla-Aral region). In Khorezm, after mowing the last ear of corn, a piece of dry clay was placed on the khirman - this ritual is called “Baraka kesagi” (lump of abundance). It was carried out with the participation of workers who helped harvest wheat.

It is known that the wonderful ancient tradition of hashar (mutual assistance) is also of a social nature. Khashar, first of all, concerns relatives and friends, fellow residents and friends participating in community work - building a house, cleaning ditches and houses, digging and cleaning a well, harvesting, etc. In the life of farmers, harvesting is considered the most important and responsible event, and therefore, in order not to jinx the harvest, rituals associated with various superstitions are held. The Uzbeks, as already noted, before the start of the harvest not only attached importance to signs, but also made sacrifices.

The khashar was especially solemn and cheerful when cleaning or harvesting on communal or waqf lands. On these lands, all work, from plowing and cultivating the land to harvesting, was carried out free of charge using the hashar method. For example, in the Bukhara Emirate, 24.6% of the sown area was waqf, mainly grains were sown on them, and the fields were cultivated and harvested by hashar. In many village mahallas, the harvest was also carried out using the hashar method with the participation of residents and fellow villagers.

According to the ritual “Oblo baraka” (God’s abundance), carried out during the harvest with the participation of hasharchi, at the end of the work, a small piece of an unharvested field was left, where all participants in the harvest rushed. Each of them, having reached the end of the harvested field, said: “I’ve reached, I’ve reached, I’ve reached, oblo baraka” (etdim, etdim, etdim, oblo baraka) - and took the last mown ears of wheat home, leaving the grains until spring sowing.

When the sowing period began, part of the grain was ground, and cakes were baked from this flour, and the second half was left for new sowing. The bread (patir) baked in the tandoor was carried to the field and distributed to the plowmen who were preparing the land for sowing.

5. Ceremony of initiation of students into masters

One of the ancient rituals that has partially survived to this day and has a social meaning is the ceremony of initiating students into masters. This tradition is rooted mainly in craft production. In form and content it was almost the same in all branches of craft.

In accordance with this tradition, children aged 8-10, sometimes 6-7 years old, were apprenticed to a master in one specialty or another. The boy’s father, bringing the student to the master, said: “The meat is yours, the bones are ours,” which meant - I give him at the master’s full disposal so that he can be trained as a specialist, as long as he is healthy (i.e., the meat will grow, as long as there are bones) are intact, which means that the student can be severely punished - beaten and scolded). When the training was completed, the student (shogird) was obliged to receive the blessing of his master, for which a special initiation ceremony (fotiha ziyofati) was held with the participation of the aksakal and masters.

The ceremony took place in the student's house, and if he was homeless or an orphan, in the master's house at the latter's expense. During the ritual, the guild regulations (risola) and religious books were read, for which a mullah and sometimes musicians were invited. After the ritual meal, the master, at the suggestion of the head of the workshop (kalantar), gave a blessing with good parting words.

At the end of the ceremony, the master presented his student with the tools necessary for work, and the student, in turn, as a sign of gratitude, presented the master and kalantar with a chapan and other gifts. Shogird, addressing his master at the end of the ceremony, said the following: “Usto, you taught me, fed me, clothed me, gave me money, bread and salt, are you satisfied with me?” The mentor answered him: “I was demanding, punished and scolded when you were guilty, but you were not offended?” When both expressed their satisfaction, the ritual ended and the participants dispersed.

6. Yasa-Yusun ritual

Also worthy of attention is the ancient ritual carried out among the pastoral population of mainly Southern Uzbekistan, known as “Yasa-Yusun”.

This ritual, according to historians, until the 17th century. was also known as the ritual of eating kumys (?umishurlik marosimi). Subsequently, this drink was replaced by another - buza, made from millet and blackberries, the use of which was also accompanied by a certain ritual (“buzakhurlik”). Among the Uzbeks, the Yasa-Yusun ritual was also known under other names. So, in the Tashkent and Fergana valleys - “buzakhurlik”, in Bukhara, Samarkand, Turkestan and in the Sairam region - “kuna utirishlari”, etc.

“Buzakhurlik” parties were held with 30-40 people in special rooms - guest rooms ("sherda") - by joint efforts or alternately by each of the participants individually once a week. Traditional parties led by the chairman of the sherdabi or rais with his two deputies (chap va ung otali?lari) and the host of the guest house (eshik ogasi) were held according to strict custom. The party was served, in addition to the biy and his deputy (active organizers), by the executors of orders - yasauls, as well as the one who poured “buza soiy” - something like a toastmaster (kosagul).

Complete and unquestioning obedience to the orders of the toastmaster and all the rules of the sherd was mandatory: when serving buza, you must take a certain pose and drink the served cup to the end, but not to the point of intoxication (i.e., do not be drunk), you cannot leave the party without the permission of the biy or eshik ogashi and etc. During the ritual, its participants sing songs dedicated to buza, praise the producers of the drink, make jokes and have fun. The main content of the "sherda" party consisted of conversations on various topics and other entertainment. Thus, in one of the popular songs performed at a party dedicated to buza, to the accompaniment of a tambourine (childirm), the following sounded:

The true father of buza is millet and blackberries.

In a drinking house you should have fun and smile at those

Who brought you to this establishment?

The more you drink buza, the more pleasure you get.

Would it be bad if God created everyone equal?!

Someone is given the throne and wealth,

Some people spend their entire lives in poverty.

If you give someone power and pleasure,

Will you go broke if you give us a gift?

As you can see, the song speaks not only about the pleasure of drinking buza, but also raises a social problem - the presence of rich and poor in society. Such songs were performed by a singer who held a glass of intoxicating drink in one hand and a tambourine in the other, to the accompaniment of which he sang. In the villages of Karnok and Sairam of Turkestan, during the ritual, such socially charged songs were performed, known as “kunalar”, “ha??onalar”, in some areas they were known as “the song of the Buzagars” (buzagarlar?ўshi?i). According to researchers, the ritual songs performed during the ceremony, both in content and style, were basically the same. Subsequently, when special drinking establishments began to appear in cities, the “buzakhurlik” ritual was completely forgotten among the Uzbeks and was preserved only in the memory of old people.

7. Navruz holiday

Since ancient times, the peoples of Western and Central Asia, including the Uzbeks, have very solemnly celebrated the holiday of Navruz (New Year). This holiday was associated with the agricultural calendar, according to which in the northern hemisphere the spring equinox fell on March 20-21, marking the awakening of nature, when all living things on earth, trees and plants, begin to come to life. The beginning of such a renewal coincided with the first day of the month of the solar calendar Shamsia (March 21), and therefore it was called Navruz (new day). The great thinker Beruni, who began this chronology from the first month of Farvardin, writes the following: “Navruz is the first day of the new year and in Persian it means this.”

In ancient times, according to the chronology of the Iranians, Navruz according to the zodiac sign corresponded to the spring equinox, when the Sun enters the constellation at the beginning of the month of Saraton. This happens from the first spring rains until the flowers open and green sprouts appear. Therefore, Navruz echoes the creation of the Universe and the beginning of earthly life. Beruni’s contemporaries, the great thinkers Mahmud Kashgari and Omar Khayyam, also left their notes about Navruz. Their works note not only the compliance of this holiday with the laws of nature, but also provide interesting information about the rites, signs and rituals associated with it. For example, according to Beruni, according to the instructions of the afsunlar (sorcerer), if on the first day of Navruz at dawn, before pronouncing the word, you consume three spoons of honey and light three pieces of wax, you can get rid of all diseases. Another sign: whoever eats a little sugar at dawn before prayer on Nowruz and smears himself with olive oil (zaytun yogi) will not be affected by any disease throughout the year. Speaking about this holiday, Beruni writes: “The Iranians had a custom of giving each other sugar on the days of Nowruz, because, according to the stories of the priest of Baghdad Azarbad, sugar cane appears in the country of Jamshid on the days of Nowruz.”

Mahmud of Kashgar also associated Navruz with “muchal” - after the name of animals, therefore called the twelve-year animal cycle of chronology. He gives examples of folk songs dedicated to spring and performed during the celebration of Nowruz. In one of the legends cited by him and associated with Navruz, the names of animals are mentioned in accordance with the twelve-year cycle (muchal). The scientist writes: “The Turks suggest that each year of the animal cycle has its own hidden meaning. For example, in their opinion, if a year is called the year of the cow, then this year there will be many wars because cows butt among themselves. If it is the year of the chicken, there will be an abundance of food, but there will also be more worries, because the chicken eats grain and, in order to get it, constantly pecks everywhere. It will be rainy in the year of the crocodile, because it lives in water. If the year of the pig comes, it will be cold, a lot of snow, turmoil and intrigue... Non-nomadic people and non-Turks divide the year into four seasons, each with its own name. Every three months are named separately. For example, the first three months after the onset of the new year were called the early spring month, because at this time the full moon occurs. The beginning of Nowruz was considered the early season of the year, and subsequent seasons were determined in accordance with the laws of nature and the state of the constellations (moon and sun).”

In ancient Central Asia and Iran, Navruz was celebrated not only as a national holiday, but also as a state holiday. According to historical data, people were divided into castes (social groups), and since Navruz lasted a whole month, each group was allocated five days, i.e. individual social strata celebrated Navruz on the days allotted to them. For example, in ancient Iran first five days were royal second five-day period was reserved for aristocrats third- servants of kings and high clergy. The king opened the holiday on the first five-day period, calling on his subjects to respect each other and be kind. Second day the king dedicated to receiving farmers and representatives of the aristocracy, in third day received horsemen and high clergy (mobed), fourth- their children, descendants and ordinary subjects. Sixth day was considered the main holiday and was called “Big Navruz”. During the reign of the Sasanians, the Khorezmians and Sogdians declared other national holidays along with Navruz as state holidays.

In the works of Beruni, Omar Khayyam’s “Navruzname” and other sources, there is information that during the celebration of Navruz they watered the ground, presented loved ones with gifts, rode on swings, distributed sweets (kangdolat), determined the seven-year harvest, performed ritual ablutions and bathing, and other rituals. On the day of Nowruz, bread made from flour of various grains - wheat, barley, millet, corn, peas, lentils, rice, sesame or beans - was placed on the royal tablecloth (dastarkhan). In the middle of the tablecloth they also placed shoots of seven types of trees (willow, olive, quince, pomegranate, etc.), seven white bowls and white dirhams or new dinars. A special dish was prepared for the king from white sugar and coconut with the addition of fresh milk and persimmons. And currently in Iran, during the celebration of Nowruz, seven dishes are placed on the tablecloth, the names of which begin with an Arabic letter. "With" (haftin). The table should also have had sour and fresh milk, dried suzma (kurt) in the form of balls and colored eggs, various fruits, nuts, pistachios, etc. The main holiday dish that has survived to this day is the ritual sumalak.

It is interesting to note that in ancient times, on the eve of Nowruz, according to legend, a cold snap occurred in the region (ozhiz kampir kunlari - days of the decrepit old woman). Among the peoples of Central Asia, including the Uzbeks, Guzha (dzhugara stew) was considered a New Year's ritual dish, in addition to sumalak. On holidays, trade revived in large bazaars; various dishes were prepared seasoned with mint, fresh onions, alfalfa sprouts and other herbs, as well as oriental sweets. The preparation of sumalak as a symbol of daily bread (rizk-ruz) and abundance required great skill. It was accompanied by songs, dances and other entertainment and games that lasted almost a day. Usually, the raw materials for preparing sumalak were collected all over the world. When the dish was ready, the contents of the common cauldron were distributed among all members of the community.

During the celebration of Navruz, there were mass celebrations (sayil), folk games, competitions, performances by singers and dancers, clowns (maskharaboz) and tightrope walkers. Based on the information of Omar Khayyam, it should be especially noted that for more than twenty-six centuries since Navruz appeared, during this holiday wars and mutual intrigues ceased, peace treaties were concluded, even funerals were postponed to other days. This holiday was so cheerful and joyful that on these days not only were magnificent celebrations held, but they also showed warmth and attention to the sick, visited relatives and friends, worshiped the graves of relatives and loved ones, expressing mutual trust and sympathy, and especially revered universal human values.

It is also worthy of attention that Navruz has many similarities with other spring holidays. According to ethnographers, the spring tulip festivals celebrated in Parkent, Samarkand and Khorezm (Lola Sayli, Sayli Gulsurkh, Kizil Gul) are in many ways reminiscent of Navruz Bayram. Such holidays were celebrated in Uzbekistan in the month of March (khamal), and the celebration lasted for a whole month. During this celebration (sayli), a large bazaar was opened, which moved from one village to another. Clowns (maskharaboz), tightrope walkers, singers, wrestlers performed on the market square, mutton, camel, cock and quail fights and other entertainment took place. Sometimes such competitions turned into fist fights, reminiscent of ancient phratrial confrontations between clan groups, elements of which have survived to this day. It is interesting to note that the participants in these entertainments, men and women, were all equal and free, at evening feasts they drank wine (musallas), walked, danced and had fun to the fullest. According to some researchers, the flower festivals (gul sayllari) lasted for a whole month, connecting with the main spring holiday of Navruz.

Uzbeks still have a custom associated with this great spring holiday: newborns are given the name Navruz. In the wonderful work of the Uzbek classic Lutfiy “Guli Navruz”, the son of Shah Farrukh, born on the days of the Navruz holiday, was named after him. And now in Samarkand, Surkhandarya, Kashkadarya, Bukhara regions, those born on the day of Navruz (mostly boys) are given this name, and in the Fergana region it is also assigned to girls.

It is interesting to note that until the recent past, depending on natural and climatic conditions, based on the traditional way of life and work experience, the local population distinguished between the seasonal folk calendars of farmers and shepherds. The dekhkan year began on March 21, when the earth softened and the plants came to life, and for the shepherds the beginning of the year was on March 16, when green sprouts appeared. From this time on, farmers begin active cultivation of the land, and pastoralists (chorvador) prepare to drive livestock to summer pastures.

Nowruz is an agricultural holiday, and preparations for it took place in parallel with events related to agriculture. To this day, with the beginning of Navruz, farmers begin field work: they plant trees and flowers in gardens and vegetable gardens, prepare fields for sowing, put agricultural technology and material resources in order, and prepare local fertilizers. In Uzbekistan, the most labor-intensive of all agricultural work carried out in early spring was the cleaning of canals and drainages filled with silt. Special attention was paid to this work, since it required significant effort: individual farms could not cope with it alone, and therefore it was carried out collectively, by the entire village or region, using the folk method of hashar. At this time, in Surkhandarya, Kashkadarya and the Zarafshan Valley, the rite of “loy tutish” (supply of clay) was carried out, and in Khorezm - “kazuv marosimi” (cleaning of irrigation ditches). Thus, the “loy tutish” ritual consisted of the following: if someone passed by those engaged in cleaning, a piece of clay was given to him or a shovel was handed to him. This person had to take the clay to the site, clean a certain area of ​​the irrigation ditch or treat the diggers (“ziyofat berish”), etc. According to custom, if this person was a singer (bakhshi), he was obliged to perform in front of the hasharchi with his repertoire, if a wrestler, he was obliged to show his strength in wrestling, and if a blacksmith, he was obliged to make the appropriate instruments or repair them. If a passer-by was not able to fulfill these requirements, then he was assigned a certain section of the ditch, which he was obliged to clean and only after that could he be free. Khashar (kumak) was of a public nature, and therefore, according to natural law, it was not only mandatory, but also accompanied by various customs and rituals, and formed an important element of festive events.

The rituals of the Uzbek people have evolved over centuries as a result of a complex process of merging the cultural skills and traditions of all tribes and nationalities that participated in the ethnogenesis of the Uzbeks. They are very original, bright and diverse, going back to patriarchal tribal relations. A large number of rituals accompany family life and are associated with the birth and raising of a child, weddings, and funerals. A special role is played by rituals associated with the birth and upbringing of children (beshik-tuyi, khatna-kilish), and marriage. They often represent an interweaving of Islamic rituals with more ancient forms associated with magical practice. With the adoption of Islam, many family and everyday customs underwent its influence, and religious Muslim rituals entered the life of Uzbeks. Friday is considered a holiday, which is celebrated in the cathedral mosque with general namaz (prayer). Patriarchal customs continued to exist in public life, which was concentrated in the mosque, teahouse, and bazaar and in which exclusively the male population took part.

8. Beshik-tuyi ("wooden cradle")

Beshik-tuyi("woodencradle")- a ritual celebration associated with the first placement of a baby in a cradle. This is one of the most ancient and widespread rituals in Uzbekistan. Typically, such an event is held on the 7th, 9th, 11th day of the baby’s birth. In different areas, the ritual has its own characteristics and depends on the level of wealth in the family: rich families usually celebrate this event widely, and families with little income celebrate it modestly. The beshik (“cradle”) and the necessary supplies for the baby are provided by the relatives of the baby’s mother. Flatbreads, sweets and toys are wrapped in a dastarkhan (tablecloth). Gifts are prepared for the baby's parents and grandparents.

A richly decorated beshik, dastarkhans, gifts are loaded into a vehicle and, together with the guests, they go to the parents’ house to the sounds of surnay, karnay and tambourine. According to tradition, the brought beshik is first taken by the baby’s grandfather on his right shoulder, and then passed on to his son’s right shoulder, who then takes it to the baby’s mother.

In the past, to ensure that all the thoughts of guests were pure and good, their faces were coated with white flour. Guests are invited to the living room to a richly decorated dastarkhan (table). While the guests are eating, listening to musicians and having fun, in the next room, in the presence of old women, a ceremony is being held to swaddle the child and put him in the beshik. At the end of the ceremony, guests come to the baby to look at him, present him with gifts and sprinkle parvarda or sugar on the beshik. At this point the ceremony ends and the guests go home.

9. Khatna-kilish

Khatna-kilish- another ancient Uzbek rite, sanctified by Islam (Sunnat Tuyi). This ritual is performed for boys at 3, 5, 7, 9 years old, and in rare cases at 11-12 years old. The conduct of the Sunnat is controlled by the public. From the moment the boy is born, parents begin preparations for sunnat-tuyah, gradually acquiring everything they need. Several months before the ritual, which is often also called “wedding” (“tui”), immediate preparations for it begin. Relatives and neighbors help sew blankets and prepare wedding gifts. All this is entrusted to women with many children. Before the wedding, the Koran is read in the presence of elders from the mahalla, an imam from the mosque and relatives. The table is set, after which suras from the Koran are read, and the elders bless the boy. After this, the big “wedding” begins. Just before the “wedding”, gifts are given to the boy in the presence of neighbors, elders, and relatives. In the past, it was customary to give a foal, on which the boy was seated as a sign that from now on he was a man, a warrior. Everyone congratulates the boy and showers him with money and sweets, then all this continues on the women's side. On the same day, “tahurar” is carried out among women - placing blankets and pillows on the chest, which is usually done by a woman with many children. A rich meal, including pilaf, completes the ritual action. According to tradition, after pilaf in the evening, a large fire is lit in the yard, and around the fire people dance and play various games. The next day the celebration continues.

10. Fatiha-tuy

The wedding takes place with the permission and blessing of the parents and is carried out in several stages. When the son reaches adulthood, the parents begin to look for a suitable girl for him. Close relatives, neighbors, and friends are included in this process. Having found a girl, the maternal or paternal aunts come to the girl’s house under some pretext to look at her, get to know the parents and the home environment of the potential bride. After this, neighbors and acquaintances ask about the chosen girl’s family. In case of positive reviews, matchmakers are sent. One of the main procedures for matchmaking is "fatiha-tuy"(engagementorengagement). The matchmakers set the engagement day. On this day, famous old people in the area, the chairman of the mahalla, and girls gather in the girl’s house. After the intermediaries outline the goals of their coming, the ritual of “non sindirish” (literally “breaking a cake”) begins. From this moment on, the newlyweds are considered engaged. "Fatiha-tuy" ends with the appointment of the day of marriage and wedding. Each of the intermediaries is given a dastarkhan with two flatbreads and sweets, and gifts are also given from the girl to the groom and his parents. Upon the return of the intermediaries to the groom’s house, trays with gifts are taken from their hands and the ceremony of “sarpo kurar” (examination of gifts) begins. Dastarkhan is usually performed by a woman with many children. All those gathered are treated to cookies and sweets brought from the bride’s house. This ceremony completes the betrothal ritual. From the moment of “fatiha tui” until the wedding itself, the parents of the newlyweds resolve dowry issues and organizational issues related to the wedding celebration. A few days before the wedding, the girl had a ritual “kiz oshi” (hen party), to which the girl invites her relatives and friends.

11. Wedding ceremony

Weddingritual traditionally extremely important in the life of Uzbeks and is celebrated especially solemnly. Although there are common features, it has its own characteristics in various areas. The main point of the wedding ritual cycle is the transition of the bride from her parents' house to the groom's house. On the wedding day, a wedding pilaf is arranged in the girl’s house, which is prepared in the groom’s house and sent to the bride. The same pilaf is arranged in the groom’s house. On the wedding day, the imam of the mosque reads the “Khutbai Nikoh” (marriage prayer) to the newlyweds, after which the newlyweds are declared husband and wife before God. The imam explains to the young people the rights and responsibilities of husband and wife. On the wedding day, the bride puts sarpo (clothes and shoes donated for the wedding) on ​​the groom, after which the groom and his friends go to the bride’s parents to greet them. After returning, the bride and groom arrive with friends. Before going to the groom's house, the bride undergoes a farewell ceremony with her parents. She is accompanied by close friends. They sing songs (“Ulanlar” and “Yor-yor”). The wedding begins with the meeting of the bride at the groom's house. At the end of the wedding, the groom accompanies the bride to the door of the room reserved for the newlyweds. In the room, the bride is met by a "yanga" (usually a woman close to the bride), the bride changes clothes and prepares to meet the groom, behind a curtain ("gushanga"). After some time, the groom, accompanied by his friends, appears at the entrance to the room and, accompanied by a “yangi,” goes to the curtain, where the bride is waiting for him. To enter the bride, he must symbolically buy her from the “yanga”, for which a bargaining is organized. After this, the bride and groom are left alone for the night. Early in the morning the ceremony of “Kelin salomi” (greeting the bride) begins. At the beginning of the ceremony, the groom's parents, all close relatives, friends of the groom and closest neighbors gather in the courtyard. Everyone takes turns approaching the bride with wishes, gifts and blessings. The bride must greet everyone by bowing low to the waist. This is how the holiday ends and family life begins.

12. Morning pilaf

Ritual morningpilaf It is carried out during a wedding (“sunnat-tuyi” or marriage) and at funerals (after 20 days and a year from the date of death). Wedding organizers set the day and time for the morning pilaf, having previously agreed with the community of the mahalla or neighborhood committee. On this day, invitations are sent to relatives, neighbors and acquaintances. In the evening, the “sabzi tugrar” ritual is carried out - chopping carrots, which is usually attended by neighbors and close relatives. After the end of “sabzi tugrar” all participants are invited to the table. Usually, artists are also invited to “sabzi tugrar”. At the table during the meal, the elders distribute responsibilities among those present. Morning pilaf should be ready by the time the morning prayer ends - “bomdod namozi”, because the first guests should be its participants. By the time the morning prayer ends, the sounds of karnaya, surnaya and tambourine notify that the morning pilaf has begun. Guests are seated at tables, and after making a fotiha (wish), cakes and tea are served. Only after this is pilaf served in lyagans (large dishes) - one for two. After the meal, the lyagans are removed, the guests again perform fotiha and, having expressed gratitude to the host, leave. After they leave, the tables are quickly put in order to receive new guests. Morning pilaf usually lasts no more than one and a half to two hours. All this time, guest artists perform songs. After the end of the morning pilaf, the guests of honor are presented with gifts - usually chapans (national men's robes). Funeral pilaf differs from festive pilaf in that the guests, sitting at the tables, read suras from the Koran and remember the deceased. The meal also ends with the reading of surahs from the Koran. During the funeral pilaf, artists are not invited, and the tables are set more modestly than during the festive pilaf. It should be noted that the festive pilaf and funeral pilaf are served only by men.

13. Customs and rituals. Kalym. Karakalpakstan

In the north of the Kyzylkum desert, in Karakalpakstan, lives an ancient, courageous, beautiful and proud people - the Kipchaks. And, although they are called Karakalpaks, they have preserved the traditions of their people, dating back to distant prehistoric times. One of these traditions is bride price.

Kalym is a word of Turkic origin. An ancient pre-wedding custom. Kalym was common among many tribes and peoples of the world. Over the course of several centuries, this ritual has changed a lot, taking on a completely different meaning, different from the original one.

Until recently, it was believed that bride price was a ransom paid by the groom’s relatives for the bride and was compensation to her family for the loss of a female worker and the property that she brought to her husband’s family.

But this is only a superficial opinion. In fact, the ritual of bride price has a deep meaning and its roots go back to the distant past. Contemporaries interpret it as a relic of the past that poses a public danger. In its own way, this is a very smart and kind ritual.

It begins with the fact that, according to tradition, the horseman must first steal the bride. And so that the horseman does not confuse his beloved, through a friend he gives the bride a conventional symbol - a scarf. Of course, a hundred years ago such agreements could not have existed. He stole the bride - that's all! Now everyone in the village knows: since a horseman on horseback with friends appeared at the girl’s yard, it means there will be a wedding soon.

The abduction itself is an amazingly bright and beautiful custom that takes place, one might say, like a theatrical performance. Now the moon-faced beauty is stolen by mutual consent. The bride goes out to a secluded place, fortunately there is an endless sea of ​​dunes around, the groom with a couple of friends on horseback, picks her up at full gallop and takes her to his place. Groups of children accompany them, shouting and joking.

Today this is a breathtaking spectacle that attracts crowds of curious villagers, invited guests and tourists.

After the abduction, the groom brings the bride to his house. A ritual fire is lit at the gate, over which the bride must jump in order to cleanse herself and enter the house renewed. Stepping over fire is a tradition originating from the Massagetae and observed since the 5th-4th centuries BC. Women gather around the bride. They examine the young man’s chosen one, appreciating her beauty and youth.

The groom's mother, as a sign of agreement with her son's choice and with her good intentions, throws a clean, white scarf over the bride's head, thereby taking the girl under her wing.

The ritual of fumigating the yard and home with sacred smoke is very important. Dry issyryk - grass, according to legend, destroys everything unclean, and the bride enters the clean house of the groom.

Another touch of the bride's meeting is that the little girl takes the ring off her finger. From now on, she herself will prepare to become a bride and, when she gets married, she will give this ring to another, the same girl.

The bride, entering the house with bows, is seen off by a retinue of neighbors, relatives and simply curious people. In a room specially designated for her, the bride and her bridesmaids are hidden behind a screen - a chemyldyk. The curtain is a chemyldyk, it must be red, this is the tradition.

The bride will stay in her assigned room until the wedding. This place - behind the chimyldyk - symbolizes the beginning of her new life in a new home.

And this is done to test her character, instill discipline and recognize the customs of her distant ancestors.

And at this time, the matchmakers are preparing to meet with the bride’s side. Usually this is done by men - father, uncles and brothers.

Having discussed among themselves all the circumstances of their proposal, the matchmakers come to the house of the bride's father.

After the traditional introductory part, conversations about life, jokes and wishes for long and happy years, the matchmakers reveal to the owner the purpose of their visit and discuss the size of the “kalym”.

This is an important point. The parents of the bride and groom discuss how they can help the new family: where the young people will live, how many and what kind of animals each clan can give them for the farm.

If the agreement ends with mutual agreement, the owner of the house breaks off the first piece of flatbread - a symbol of life among the Turks - and eats it. And he passes the cake to the matchmakers. The flatbread goes around and each guest, breaking off a little, eats it, just like the owner of the house. This means something like signing a contract when both parties have come to an agreement.

Usually among the Kipchaks, the main elements of kalym were and remain domestic animals - camels, sheep, goats, cows. Very soon the yard of the bride’s father will be filled with “kalym” livestock.

And while the heads of the families “sign” the agreement, in the groom’s house all the relatives - distant and close - come to congratulate the newlyweds and bring them gifts and the most necessary things in everyday life.

And the parents give the young family everything they need for the household: dishes, carpets, blankets and help build housing.

This ritual has existed for many centuries. Today it takes different forms and the very original purpose of the ransom is gradually changing. But one bride price remains unchanged - the creation of a material basis for the birth of a new family.

The next morning, according to custom, a ritual of sacrifice is performed in the name of the well-being of the new family.

All residents of the village take part in preparations for the wedding.

Finally, the bride price ceremony ends with a wedding. Tears of joy are mixed with tears of sadness, the bright colors of national clothing are mixed into one unique canvas, the fun lasts for several days.

The culmination of the toya - wedding celebration is the opening of the bride's face for presentation to her relatives and guests. This ritual is called betashar. And then gifts for the bride pour in like from a cornucopia from all sides.

Kalym is like a beautiful fairy tale of the life of the Turkic peoples, which arose from the depths of centuries and has come down to the present day.

Posted on Allbest.ru

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In modern conditions, traditional folk culture is disappearing. This fact has led to increased interest in its study. In recent decades, creative and scientific unions have been created that study various aspects of people's life. Folklore ensembles and folk choirs reproduce stage versions of rituals, songs, dances and other types of folk art. Replenishment with new information about rites, rituals, songs, dances will significantly enrich knowledge about Russian folk culture. Ritual traditions in folk culture constitute the most important layer of spiritual culture. This is the relevance of studying the ritual traditions of the Russian population.

In my research I will try to learn about the original calendar holidays and family rituals of the Russian population, the features of their implementation, origin and existence. There are few publications about the ritual traditions of the Siberian people, but I would like to learn about them first-hand, because soon this will be impossible, because there are very few people left who could talk about them.

Purpose of the work: to study the peculiarities of the emergence and formation of variants of the local ritual tradition of the Russian population of Siberia at the end of the 19th - 20th centuries. To achieve this goal, it is necessary to solve the following tasks:

Study the history of the emergence of Russian villages;

Identify ethnic and ethnographic groups and trace ethnic processes that contributed to the formation of Russian ritual traditions; reconstruct ceremonies, rituals, customs, calendar holidays at the end of the 19th - 20th centuries;

Reconstruct the stages and rituals of maternity-baptismal, wedding and funeral-memorial rites that existed among old-timers and settlers at the end of the 19th - 20th centuries; identify the features of the fusion (transformation, integration) of different ethnographic cultures in local variants of the ritual tradition; identify the features of the local song tradition.

Object of study. - Russian old-timers and new settlers of the late XIX - XX centuries, and their established ritual traditions.

The subject of the study is calendar holidays, family rituals, customs, and rituals that have developed over three centuries on the basis of various historical processes. The chronological framework is provided and determined by sources (field materials, archival data, statistical reports, articles) that characterize this time period - the end of the 19th - 20th centuries. By the end of the 19th century. The process of formation of the Russian population in Siberia is being completed. The Russian population consists of old-timers and new settlers. The settlers founded many new villages and towns. The process of forming a local ritual tradition began. The process of destruction of folk traditions occurs in the 20th century in connection with social and historical changes associated with collectivization. The active destruction of traditional foundations is taking place due to the consolidation of villages in the 60-70s of the 20th century and the destruction of small villages. Territorial framework.

Let us consider the historiography of Russian ritual traditions. Let us highlight pre-revolutionary studies of recordings by folklorists and modern studies.

Ritual in traditional culture is a form of symbolic action. It involves the attitude of a group of people towards sacred objects, which are expressed through gestures, movements, etc. It serves to consolidate tradition and reproduce archaic cult structures.

A custom is a form of behavior associated with the practical activities of a person, or an established rule of behavior in a given ethnic community.

At the stage of collecting material, we widely used methods developed by field ethnography, folklore, ethnomusicology, and took notes based on questionnaires and conversations with informants.

Calendar and ritual traditions of Russian Siberians.

In the traditional culture of any people, scientists distinguish two groups of phenomena. Material culture is presented in a material, objective form - these are tools, settlements, homes, clothing and jewelry, food, household utensils. You can get an idea about it from museum collections of things, preserved buildings, drawings and photographs - Spiritual culture is folk knowledge, religion, folk art and ideas about the world developed by the ethnic group; the attitude of people to nature and to each other arising from these ideas. Spiritual culture is manifested most fully in oral and written statements, in everyday and festive behavior. We found this out by looking at the records and descriptions compiled by ethnographers, folklorists and travelers in the second half of the last - the beginning of this century. It was at this time that the most descriptions of the culture of the Siberians were made, and they were more detailed than the sources of the previous time. But the spiritual culture of the people is very stable; it changes slowly. Therefore, later descriptions paint a picture similar to that observed during the 18th - 19th centuries. For a long time, the lives of fathers and grandfathers, their morals and customs were perceived by peasants as an indisputable role model. The folk calendar by which they lived played a major role in the everyday life of Siberians; I would like to dwell on it in more detail.

Siberian folk calendar.

The folk calendar refers to the ideas about time accepted in traditional society, the methods of calculating and organizing it. The Russian folk calendar - the month calendar - originated in ancient times among pagan farmers, then was subordinated to the Christian chronology, and in the 18th - 19th centuries. absorbed some elements from the official state calendar.

In such a unique region as Siberia, the folk calendar had its own characteristics and determined stable forms of people’s behavior associated with different moments in time. Calendar customs and rituals of Russian Siberians were studied in the 19th century. teacher F.K. Zobnin, official P.A. Gorodtsov, agronomist N.L. Skalozubov (all three in the Tobolsk province), as well as a native of the Irkutsk province G.S. Vinogradov, who later became a famous ethnographer in his homeland.

But the most detailed and in-depth study was left by Aleksey Alekseevich Makarenko (i860 - 1942). As an exiled populist, Makarenko lived for 13 years among the peasants of the Yenisei province, where he conducted daily observations, and then, having already become a researcher, came to Siberia again and again to replenish and clarify the collected materials. Makarenko’s book “The Siberian Folk Calendar” was published in 1913 and received three high scientific awards.

The folk calendar had an agricultural basis. The whole year for the peasants was divided into periods of performing certain agricultural works; the beginning and end of the work were timed not to months or dates (the peasants had a vague idea about them), but to the milestones of the church calendar - the calendar. In Orthodox calendars, every day of the year is marked by a church holiday, the memory of some event or saint. Saints were constantly used in the parish church (during services); they were also available in the homes of literate villagers. It was convenient to use church dates as a kind of “knots for memory”.

When should the first sowing of spring grains begin? On the day of remembrance of the prophet Jeremiah (in Russian Eremey). This day, May 14, in the Siberian calendar is called “Eremey - the harnesser”. A. A. Makarenko says: “On the arable land, the sower will first harness the horse to the harrow, place the horse “harrow driver” (the boy who will control the horses) on the “front line”, put “seme” in the basket hanging on his shoulder strap and, Before throwing the first handful into the “arable soil”, be sure to pray “to the eastern side.” This day was accompanied by a ceremonial family dinner and tea drinking, and joint prayer.

When can you plow the garden and start transplanting cucumber seedlings into the beds? On the day of the holy martyr Isidore (Sidora-Borage - May 27). By what date must all field work be completed? For the Feast of the Intercession of the Virgin Mary (October 14). At this time, settlements were made with shepherds and with hired workers in villages and gold mines. For hunters, Pokrov is its own milestone: the bear hunt stops (he has gone to his den), it’s time to go hunting for squirrel and sable. Girls of marriageable age are waiting for matchmakers: “Father Pokrov, cover the ground with snow.” Even in our time, people try to adhere to these traditions, but, of course, many points are lost.

The folk calendar contains many days with symbolic names and meanings. Aksinya - half-winter day - the day when winter turns to warmth, which is important to know when consuming feed for livestock. Yegor spring - the time to hire shepherds, release livestock into the field, begin navigation, predict the herb harvest. Ilyin's day is the best time for finishing haymaking, in some places - the beginning of sowing winter rye; you can try the first cucumbers from the garden, etc.

In the same way, in the consciousness and behavior of the peasants, non-productive activities, essentially all local events, are tied to time. A. A. Makarenko identified groups of days associated with traditional medicine and veterinary medicine, with fortune telling and dressing up, with special women's concerns, with brewing homemade beer, with religious processions and others. As many as 32 days are “youth days”. Young people told fortunes on Epiphany and Semik, on the days of Saints Agrafena, Andrew, Vasily and Philip. They gathered for parties - with handicrafts or “toys” - on the New Year, on Holy and Passion Evenings, on the Day of the Virgin Mary, the Presentation, the Exaltation, the Dormition, the Intercession, the Middle Savior, on the day of memory of Innocent of Irkutsk, etc.

The folk calendar contains a huge number of signs, proverbs, and local oral traditions dedicated to calendar events and dates. Here are just a small part of the spring signs recorded in Eastern Siberia: “If the water in the well comes early (before Yegoryev’s day, May 6) - summer will be good,” “Egory with water - Mikola (St. Nicholas Day, May 22) with grass ", "If on Evdokia (March 14) a chicken drinks water, it means a warm spring." However, understanding the deceptiveness of the Siberian weather, they skeptically remarked about Evdokia’s day: “Dunka, Dunka, look at Alyoshka, what will it give (Alekseev’s day, March 30).”

The folk calendar was oral. Another feature of it is that when the peasants named a date, they did not always mean a certain day. If an event was said to have occurred “on St. Michael's Day,” this meant that it took place some time before and after November 8th. These words can be interpreted to mean that the incident happened during the transition period between autumn and winter, when rivers froze, peasants slaughtered livestock for meat, etc.

Community and family holidays.

Together with all Russian people, Siberian peasants honored church holidays. According to the degree of solemnity and types of worship, Orthodox holidays are divided into great and small. Great holidays are associated with the glorification of Jesus

Christ and his mother the Virgin Mary, his predecessor on Earth

John the Baptist, disciples Peter and Paul. One of the days is dedicated to the veneration of the Trinity of the three hypostases of God. Divine services dedicated to great holidays are held with special solemnity.

Easter was considered “a holiday of holidays, a triumph of celebrations” - the time of commemoration of the “miraculous resurrection” of Jesus Christ. Christian Easter, which lasted a week, retained the pagan signs of a multi-day spring festival of worship of the spirits of vegetation. On Christ's Day - the first day of Easter week - during the morning church service, the peasants gave the priest colored chicken eggs - an ancient symbol of rebirth. They exchanged them with each other.

Great church holidays, along with weekly Sundays and state secular holidays (New Year, memorable dates of the reigning family), were non-working days in Russia. The Church prescribed on holidays to “leave your worldly affairs and serve only God.” For this purpose, Orthodox Christians were obliged to come to church for public prayer, teaching the faith and good deeds, and upon leaving the church to engage in home prayer, caring for the sick, and consoling the mourning. The peasants agreed that holidays should be non-working, but they did not spend them as piously as required, and often indulged in various amusements.

The category of small holidays includes days of glorification of Christian saints. However, Siberians revered some saints on a par with God; their days of remembrance were also considered “big”, “terrible” holidays, when “to repent of sin”; This is Ilyin's day, St. Nicholas's day, Michael's day. Most church minor holidays in the popular calendar were considered either “semi-holidays” or working days. Semi-holidays were called such days, part of which was spent in hard work, and the other in rest or “light” work. Other days were celebrated only by professional groups - fishermen, shepherds.

The scale of celebration differed between national and local holidays. Local - temple, patronal, convention holidays - these are days of veneration of those holy events of biblical history, in honor of which the local church was once illuminated. On patronal days (holidays lasted up to a week), many guests from other places came to the corresponding village - relatives, in-laws, acquaintances. It was a good reason for meetings and communication. Young people had a great opportunity to look for a bride or groom.

On holidays, groups of guests went from house to house and enjoyed a great meal. “The whole world” also drank beer, prepared the day before from flour collected little by little from all the families living in the village. A variety of entertainment was held on the streets - outdoor games, races, wrestling matches. The opening of a fair in the village could be timed to coincide with such days. All this would be good, but the event that served as the reason for the celebration was often forgotten. Siberian priests complained that the festivities at local holidays (and at others too) sometimes took on obscene forms, accompanied by quarrels and fights between drunken villagers.

Among the holidays and rituals, a wedding stands out with its beauty, complexity of composition and significance for the destinies of the family.

The Russian wedding ceremony developed as a multi-day, extensive dramatic event with many participants and rituals. It included enormous creative wealth - songs, laments, sentences, sayings, charms, games and dances, organized in several cycles. Nowadays, scientists have published a series of books that provide a detailed description of the elements of a Russian Siberian wedding and contain the texts of wedding songs. But in every corner of Siberia, different groups of the population had their own weddings. Among the poor, for example, the following custom spread: the bride’s “runaway” to the groom from her parents’ house took place almost in earnest, and the wedding feast was then reduced to a minimum.

Christenings also belong to the group of family holidays. The child was baptized in church a few days after birth. In large parishes it happened - and after weeks, months, they usually named the baby after the saint whose day of veneration fell in the near future. Siberians had favorite names, for example - Innocent. This name in Russia was considered “Siberian”. Sometimes the peasants asked the priest to give the baby the name of one of their relatives, most often a grandfather or grandmother: “The family name will be preserved, and the child will live a long time.” People then celebrated the day of remembrance of the patron saint throughout their lives. This was called “celebrating a name day,” and few people remembered their birthday.

After the church baptismal ceremony, it was time for the family feast. Just like at a wedding, guests were invited to the parents' house. The honorary characters at the christening were the godparents and the midwife - an elderly woman who delivered the child during childbirth. The midwife served her treat (grandmother's porridge) to the guests, and they were rewarded with silver coins. A little silver was supposed to be placed under the mother’s pillow - “for the teeth” of the newborn.

Community and family holidays brightened life and promoted mutual understanding and mutual assistance among people. A. A. Makarenko calculated that in the annual calendar of the old-timer peasants of the Yenisei province at the turn of the 19th - 20th centuries. there were 86 “the most typical, permanent, widespread holidays.” In fact, taking into account local holidays, semi-holidays, wedding parties, matchmaking and other things, there were much more non-working days - up to the third calendar year.

It would seem like too much, when to work? However, this is one of the features of the Russian peasant calendar - it does not have a uniform alternation of working time and rest. During the busy season of field work, Siberians “worked” both on Sundays and on major holidays. To avoid God's wrath, they resorted to a trick. It was believed that you cannot work for yourself, but you can if you are invited to “help” or get hired: the sin will fall on the head of the household where you work. Each working day in the summer lasted 16–18 hours. “There is a reason to “break the lower back”, the body and soul demand a holiday rest and the desire to “take a walk” appears,” A. A. Makarenko noted sympathetically.

". Once on Epiphany evening,” these were the words that began the gatherings on Christmas Eve, January 18, in the premises of the Krasnoyarsk secondary school.

The old hut was run by Tatyana Mozzherina, who played the role of grandmother, and Dasha Dyakova, who played the role of granddaughter. Dasha put up a mirror, lit a candle and began saying: “Betrothed, dressed up, come to me dressed up.”

After the fortune-telling, the mummers dropped in: a kikimora (Vika Poznanskaya), a snowman (Vika Ovezova). They sang carols, danced, asked riddles, and played candy wrappers with the audience. Everyone was interested and having fun.

Then the mummers, grandmother and granddaughter invited all the guests to the table, drank tea with sweets, delicious pies, and gingerbread. We wished everyone good health and happiness in the new year (see Appendix 1 and Appendix 2)

Scientists call the entire folk culture of a traditional society, but more often the elements of its spiritual culture, folklore, from the English words folk (people) and lore (knowledge, spiritual possibilities). There is also a narrower meaning of the word folklore in science - folk artistic creativity or even just oral poetic creativity, folk poetry. In any case, folklore reflects the way of thoughts and ideas, feelings and hopes of an ethnic group, especially its peasant part, and has knowledge of the “voice of the people.”

Studying the culture of the Siberian population, some scientists of the 19th century. (A.P. Shchapov, S.V. Maksimov and others) argued that Russian settlers “did not bring the lamp of art to Siberia, that the Siberians are “songless” and this is a consequence of their weak spirituality. They, they say, are too busy fighting for their material well-being; they are negatively affected by the separation from “indigenous” Russia and the influence of Asian peoples. Other, no less authoritative scientists (S. I. Gulyaev, A. A. Makarenko, V. S. Arefiev), on the contrary, wrote about the poetic talent of Siberians, about Siberia as a region where cultural values, often already lost elsewhere, are carefully preserved side of the Urals.

Probably, here, as in many other issues of social and cultural life, it is impossible to give unambiguous characteristics and assessments. Siberia is large and diverse, and Siberian folk culture is so diverse that it is difficult to fit it into one scheme. Folklore researcher M. N. Melnikov, thinking about how to characterize the “chaotic mosaic” of Siberian folklore, identified 15 types of settlements of the Eastern Slavs in Siberia and the Far East. They differed in the 18th - 19th centuries. on the basis of the unity of folklore traditions. The folklore of the serving Cossacks, Old Believer hermitages (secluded settlements), suburban areas, old-timers and settlers representing different peoples and localities of European Russia is unique. The all-Russian, Ukrainian, Belarusian basis of the folk culture of the Siberians was replenished and modified under the influence of local conditions. Let's look at an artistic example:

This story (a fragment is presented here) was recorded and then prepared for publication by folklorist A. A. Misyurev. The narrator is E. P. Nikolaeva, a resident of the village of Vengerovo, Novosibirsk region. Her narrative is a striking phenomenon of folklore, as evidenced by the following features: undoubted artistic merit, aesthetic value; oral character; inclusion in the fabric of everyday life: the story was probably heard more than once in family conversations, while working together; variability: in another time and to another person the same thing would have been told differently; intended for different purposes. Such stories brightened up leisure time, allowed people to get to know each other better and get closer in spirit, consolidated a general assessment of various life phenomena, were used for pedagogical purposes, etc.

One feature of the text in this case does not seem to be characteristic of folklore: the story has a specific author. Folklore is usually considered a product of the collective creativity of the people. However, in its origin, much of the folklore wealth is the fruit of individual creativity, partly even the result of processing works of professional culture. Thus, the Siberians had extremely popular songs, complex with verses by famous poets. The collective creativity of the people consisted in the processing of cultural heritage, its inclusion in their lives and in the world of their ideas.

There are other interesting features in E.P. Nikolaeva’s narrative. Being an integral work, it at the same time contains the tunes and words of folk songs - independent phenomena of folklore. The story reflects the peculiarities of the language of the area where the recording was made. The words srodnaya (cousin), ryam (swamp forest), zaplot (fence) are Northern Russian or Siberian. It was the Siberians who pronounced well instead of yes, aches and recognised, instead of breaks or recognizes. What is important for a historian is that such a story, like all folklore works, is an irreplaceable source of knowledge about the culture and life of Siberians, the peculiarities of their psychology in the “old” time. In this case, it does not matter much that we are analyzing a folklore work of a later time (1940s). it, firstly, reflects the situation at the end of the 19th – beginning of the 20th centuries. , secondly, it was built according to all the centuries-old laws of traditional folk art.

Ethnographers and folklorists identify and study several sections of folk poetry of Russian Siberians: folklore (fairy tales and non-fairy tale prose - stories, legends, mythological stories, etc.); song and poetic folklore; poetry of dramatic performances; folklore of direct communication situations (proverbs, riddles, rumors, fair cries, jokes). Poetry permeated and organized around itself all aspects of the life of peasants - economic activity, knowledge of the environment and the establishment of mutual understanding.

Let us give examples of the existence of folklore in connection with the upbringing and education of children. Here, oral folk art played three interrelated roles. Firstly, folklore determined the goals and program, and consolidated the methods of pedagogical efforts of the family and society. This was sometimes done directly, in the form of proverbs and instructions: “Teach the child while he is lying across the bench, but once he lies down, you certainly won’t teach him,” “Father and mother love the child, but do not show (do not demonstrate love, do not indulge the children’s weaknesses)"; more often - in an allegorical form, when certain qualities and actions of people were evaluated in legends, fairy tales, and jokes.

Secondly, folklore was an effective means of upbringing and education. Mother's lullabies, nurseries, nursery rhymes, and father's jokes were specially created by the people for this purpose. Riddles develop associative thinking well, tongue twisters correct speech defects. Thirdly, folklore was an important subject of inheritance, part of that age-old wisdom, which was precisely passed on to the new generation during education and upbringing. Having heard many times in childhood, a person remembered and tried to fulfill these parental skills for the rest of his life: “Without work, there is no salvation (the soul will not find eternal life)”, “If you walk a lot in your youth, you will die of hunger in old age”, “Seek goodness not in village, but in yourself.”

3. Formation of family and everyday traditions in Siberia

3-1 General characteristics of the family and everyday traditions of the people of Siberia

In the conditions of Siberia, the family played an important role in choosing the optimal ways to maintain and preserve both work and family traditions, and in monitoring their preservation and observance. In Siberian villages, the mechanism of formation, preservation and transmission of work and family traditions, determined by social and living conditions, was widespread. Representatives of the older generation passed on traditions and experience of working and spiritual life, the origins of which come from the centuries-old life of Russian peasants. According to researchers of Siberian ethnography and folklore, the goal of preserving such traditions is to identify those who have most successfully mastered folk wisdom, teach certain work techniques, and preserve family and everyday traditions.

In particular, the most prominent folklorist V.I. Chicherov noted: “Meanwhile, agricultural and family rituals and customs were far from uniform. Some of them are truly inextricably linked with religion, with beliefs, and were performed with deep conviction in the magical power of spoken words and performed actions. Others did not have a religious orientation, were not associated with the magic of words and actions, and, therefore, were part of the everyday way of life and only indirectly reflected folk beliefs: attaching such rituals to the days of religious holidays, as a rule, did not make their essence religious.” Consequently, V.I. Chicherov believes that the source of family and everyday traditions was the labor and social activities of the peasant. The truth of this statement is clearly demonstrated by the combination of collective work and festive fun that is characteristic of Siberia. The most typical examples in this regard are such types of collective work as “help”, “cabbages”, “tangles”.

As an analysis of literary sources shows, collective work is of the same type in its purpose and nature; they differ only in type of activity. So, “help” is the joint work of people who were invited by the owner to complete some economic stage, for example, harvesting, haymaking, harvesting vegetables, building a house, preparing wool or linen yarn, etc. According to S.I. Gulyaev, “ "help" is any work done not for hire, but by acquaintances invited by the owner for only one treat: in the evening - dinner and wine, and in conclusion - dancing.

An organic combination of festive fun with the collective performance of a certain type of work activity was present in some traditions associated with autumn and winter types of work. These are, first of all, “cabbages”, when young people gathered in one house to help the housewife prepare sauerkraut for the winter. This custom is widespread in Siberia. “Cooking cabbage as the final field and garden work,” writes N. Kostrov, “is associated with pleasure among young people: rural parties, called evenings in Siberia, village balls, begin with cabbages. "

This type of pomochi was developed in those places of Siberia where they were engaged in cattle breeding. What’s interesting from the point of view of S.I. Gulyaev is that women and girls were invited to work at the “super competitions,” but men could also be present. In the fall, when the raw materials for yarn were ready - wool, flax or hemp, the housewife sent it with someone in small portions to women and girls she knew. Usually, marriages were started by women whose families did not have enough female hands for yarn. Between the dispatch of raw materials and the appointment of the day of the order, the period required for preparing yarn and thread passed. The hostess notified about the appointment of the “super-superior” the day before or in the morning; in the evening, all the “super-suppliers” in their best outfits appeared with ready-made yarn and threads, and a treat was arranged with singing and dancing.

It should be noted that collective agricultural work occupied a significant place in the mechanism of formation, transmission and preservation of labor traditions. In the course of these works, not only family and everyday traditions were consolidated and passed on, but also the song, dance, and music that accompanied them.

This feature of the everyday life of a Siberian person is very important in the work of a choreographer on a choreographic work that has a folklore basis.

A study of literary sources and an analysis of field observations allow us to assert: “help”, “cabbages”, “super-tangles” among Siberians were accompanied by dances and games. However, in publications on this issue there is no complete information about what kind of dances were performed and what kind of round dances were held. The answers to these very important questions for a choreographer are provided by the results of field research in the Kemerovo region and Krasnoyarsk region. Thus, it was found that after collective work, during festive treats, “evening” game and circular round dances, re-dances, and dances with a small number of performers were performed.

Consequently, an important feature of Siberian collective works (“supryadok”, “pomoche”, “kapustok”) was the organic inclusion of dances, songs, and music in their composition. And only after the end of the harvest, the evenings acquired the character of genuine celebrations, representing one of the favorite forms of family leisure.

In Siberia, collective work was carried out until the beginning of this century, and only in connection with changes in the economic life of Siberian peasants did the nature of entertainment after such agricultural work change.

Thus, the formation of family and everyday traditions in Siberia, their consolidation and transmission in new conditions were based on traditions brought by settlers from European Russia, where they were already firmly rooted by the time they moved to Siberia. These traditions were perceived by the peasant settlers as an indispensable part of their daily life and organically entered into home rituals and other areas of people’s spiritual life. The expediency of each type of tradition, worked out over centuries, was determined by the needs of work, leisure, and family relationships in relation to new social, geographical and climatic conditions.

3. 2 Wedding ceremony

Convincing evidence of the strength and significance of the formation, preservation and consolidation of family and everyday traditions, the structure of their implementation is another family ritual - a wedding as the most complex, meaningful and sustainable of all family and everyday holidays.

The literature on folk weddings is vast and varied. Based on the analysis of literary sources, researchers reveal the individual components of the traditional Siberian wedding ceremony and consider the connection between the Siberian wedding and the all-Russian one. Separate studies are devoted to specific issues related to the role of the main characters of a Siberian wedding in the ritual, descriptions of small local wedding signs and customs. And in some works, the wedding ceremony is considered from the perspective of artistic and expressive means, that is, wedding poetry.

The materials at our disposal show that the Russian Siberian wedding ceremony consisted of the following main sections: matchmaking, or hand-holding; bachelorette party and evening; bath; braiding; wedding train, redemption of braids; departure to the crown; party at the groom's house.

As elsewhere, in Siberia young people met and got to know each other at parties. Young people, getting ready for a party, dressed up. The costume of unmarried youth had specific differences. So, girls walked with their heads uncovered, and if they wore a scarf, they tied it differently than women: the scarf was folded from corner to corner, and then rolled up with a ribbon, the top of the head was left open.

Parents strictly controlled the behavior of young people, especially girls. Young people never went to each other’s houses and were not left alone before matchmaking. In especially strict Kerzhak families, girls were not allowed out even for the evening.

Usually weddings were played in the winter, in meat-eater. They got married early - from 17 to 19 years old. The wedding ceremony began with the arrival of the matchmakers. For matchmaking, they chose light days of the week - Sunday, Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday, avoiding fast days - Monday, Wednesday and Friday. 5_6 people - the groom's parents, matchmaker or other relatives came in the evening. Usually the time the matchmakers set out on the route they were traveling on was kept secret. In order to be unnoticed, they drove out “through the backyards” (the backyard and vegetable gardens) and did not drive straight, but took detours. Matchmakers were rarely asked where they were going, and they would not answer. The matchmakers dressed up in festive clothes and decorated the horses with good harness. The matchmaker, having arrived at the bride's house, jumped off the cart and ran to the hut so that the bride's parents would just as quickly bow to her matchmaking. Sometimes the matchmakers directly spoke about the purpose of their coming: “We didn’t come to trample the floor, (not to scratch our tongues), we came to do business - to look for a bride,” “We didn’t come to visit, but to raise a feast.” But more often the matchmakers used allegorical formulas like: “You have a product - we have a merchant”, “you have a chicken - we have a rooster, is it possible to drive them into one barn”, etc., the bride’s parents asked the matchmakers to sit down, thanked them for the honor : “God will save you that they didn’t throw us out of the people,” and they treated them to tea or wine. The matchmakers praised the groom and tried to find out more about the bride. If the groom was not known, then the matchmakers were asked to come again to ask about him. It was considered indecent to give away your daughter right away - (“they grew up for more than one day to give it away at once”, “to get married is not to put on a bast shoe”, “to give a daughter in marriage is not to bake a cake”). If the bride’s parents did not want to give their daughter to the proposed groom, then, trying not to offend the matchmakers, they made excuses by the bride’s youth or lack of funds for the wedding, or simply lack of time. After the bride’s consent was received, the matchmakers were invited to the matitsa and sat down on a bench at the table. There was a treat, a feast, an agreement about the dowry, about the dates of the wedding day. After this, in the evening the bride gathered her close friends, drank tea, rode the groom's horses, and then got ready for the bride's party.

Such evenings were no different from winter (Yuletide) ones, during which evening songs were sung, accompanied by games and dances. Let us give an ethnographic description of a wedding party, which incorporated the most typical effective features of a Siberian wedding. This description is given on the basis of a study of literary sources and field research conducted by us.

During the performance of this song, three couples walked in a circle. At the end of the song, as was customary in all evening songs, the couples in the circle kissed, and the rest of the party participants cheerfully said: “There is a sparrow on the fence, don’t be shy about kissing” or “Hurray, cheers, kiss three times.”

After that they sang other moving songs: “I walked along the bank” and others.

An accordion player always came to the evening, songs were replaced by dances. They danced “Podgornaya”, “Serbianochka”, polka, “Chizha”, and then again began to sing game songs, the bride and groom chanted:

I'm rocking, rocking, I'm rocking, rocking

Gold ring, gold ring.

The song played out like this: the groom took the bride by the hand, walked her in a circle, placed her near the mother and kissed her.

The evening ended with the “common” song “It’s enough, it’s enough for you guys”:

It's enough, it's enough for you guys,

It's someone else's beer to drink.

Isn't it time for you? , guys,

Start your own?

Then, before leaving for home, they played a game of “neighborhood”: girls and boys sat in pairs, but not by choice, but who would have to play with whom. Then the presenter, who was called the foreman, approached each couple with a belt and asked the guy: “Do you want any girl?” (in the sense of whether you like it). If the guy answered: “Yes,” the girl stayed with him; if “No,” the foreman took the girl by the hand and led her away, and brought another in her place. This was done until all the girls and boys were divided into pairs of choice. The bride and groom did not play this game. At this point the party ended, and the young people went home.

The next stage of the wedding was the bachelorette party. As a rule, a bachelorette party consisted of a whole complex of ritual actions: making beauty (will), unbraiding a braid, washing in a bathhouse, saying goodbye to beauty and handing it over to friends, the groom or other persons, and treating the ritual participants to the groom. Beauty (will) was a symbol of the girl; it connected her with her former life. Usually beauty was expressed in some kind of objective symbol. It could be a tow, a tree (Christmas tree, pine, birch, etc.), a braided ribbon, a wreath, a scarf, a headband, etc. The bride passed on the beauty to her best friend or younger sister. As a rule, parting with beauty was accompanied by unbraiding or symbolic cutting of the braid and ransoming it by the groom. The braid was unraveled either the day before or on the morning of the wedding day. This was performed by one of the bride's relatives. All actions were accompanied by the lamentations of the bride. The culmination of the ceremony was the weaving of a ribbon, which the bride gave to her friends. From that moment on, the bride walked with her hair down. Also, unbraiding the braid was combined with the bride’s ritual bath. Usually the bath was prepared by the bride's friends or relatives. Before going to the bathhouse, the bride asked her parents for blessings, after which her friends led her to the bathhouse with lamentations. The bride was washed with soap and steamed with a broom sent by the groom. Some scholars saw in the bathing ritual a symbolic loss of chastity by the bride.

The complex of ritual actions of the bachelorette party also included “selling the braid.” Most often, the bride's braid was sold by her brother or, if he was not there, by a boy - one of the relatives. The buyers were representatives of the groom's party. The trade was symbolic. It started with huge sums and ended in pennies. During this ceremony, the groom presented gifts to the bride's friends.

In the pre-wedding period, special ritual bread was baked almost everywhere - loaf, chelpan, bannik, kurnik, fish pie. In a Russian wedding, bread represented life, prosperity, prosperity, and a happy lot. The preparation of wedding bread and its distribution occupied an important place in the wedding ceremony.

The second part of the wedding ceremony began after the wedding of the newlyweds in the church and ended with a party in the groom's house. The newlyweds were greeted by the father and mother of the groom, who blessed them with an icon and bread and salt. Then everyone sat down at the table, and the girls sang the majestic song “Silk Thread.” The first table in the newlyweds' house was usually called the wedding table. The young people, although they sat behind him, did not eat anything. In honor of the newlyweds, they said congratulations, wishes for goodness and happiness, and greatness did not cease. Soon they were taken to another room (to a closet, a bathhouse, or to neighbors) and fed dinner. In a new guise, the young people returned to the residents. By this time, the second table, called the mountain table, was set. Relatives of the newlywed came to this table. They were solemnly greeted at the porch, serving each a glass of vodka. At the mountain table, the young woman gave gifts to her husband's relatives, bowed to them, hugged them and kissed them. Then she had to call her father-in-law father, and mother-in-law mother. At the end of the table, the newlyweds came out and fell at the feet of their parents so that they would bless them into the marriage bed. It was arranged in some unheated room: in a cage, in a barn or stable, in a bathhouse, in a separate hut, etc. The wedding bed was styled with special care. The newlyweds were usually accompanied by a friend and a matchmaker. The farewell was accompanied by music and noise; probably, this design had the meaning of a talisman. After an hour or two, and in some places even the whole night, they came to wake up or wake up the young people. Those who entered checked the bed and led the newlyweds to the hut, where the feast continued. It was customary to show off the bride's shirt. If the young woman turned out to be uncorrupted, she and her relatives were given great honor, but if not, then they were subjected to all kinds of reproach. If the outcome was favorable, the feast took on a stormy character, everyone made noise and shouted, expressing their joy. If the young woman was “spoiled,” her parents and godparents were served beer or wine in a glass with holes, a collar was put on them, etc.

The feast of the second day was called differently: cheese table, bowing or kissing. Relatives from both sides gathered for it. The most common ritual of the second or third day of a wedding was the newlywed's first visit to a spring or well, during which the bride usually threw money, a ring, a piece of bread cut from the wedding loaf, or a belt into the water.

They tried to diversify the ongoing wedding festivities with all kinds of games and fun.

One of the important and fairly common rituals of the final stage of a wedding was the son-in-law visiting the mother-in-law. Its most common name is bread. The young mother-in-law treated him to pancakes and scrambled eggs. Typically, wedding celebrations lasted three days; for rich peasants it lasted longer.

The wedding was ending, but the fate of the young people still remained under the close attention of village society. For a year, the newlyweds seemed to be in full view of everyone. They went to visit, visited relatives, and established family ties. The young could also participate in round dances, gatherings and various games produced in the village. This happened before the baby was born.

After children appeared in the family, the young people stopped going to gatherings with young people and “entered” the circle of married people.

We collected material using the method of structural (thematic) interviews. At the same time, the survey involved not only people of the older generation, who most fully possess information about the traditional wedding ceremony (the so-called key informants), but also representatives of younger age groups, whose answers interested us from the point of view of transformation processes in the field of ritual. Such sources made it possible to reconstruct the structure of the wedding ceremony that existed at the end of the 19th - first third of the 20th centuries.

Using field materials, I reconstructed the general model and identified the main stages in the development of the wedding rituals of Russian Siberians, highlighting the traditional layer in wedding rituals that existed at the end of the 19th - first quarter of the 20th centuries. The chapter consistently examined the forms of marriage, pre-wedding ritual ceremonies (matchmaking or hand-holding; bachelorette party and evening party; bathhouse; unbraiding; wedding train, redemption of the braid; departure to the crown), the wedding itself (including festivities in the groom’s house), post-wedding rituals. In general, we found out that, in the first quarter of the 20th century. , traditional wedding rituals have changed slightly. The traditional structure of the wedding, as well as a significant array of rituals and customs included in the wedding complex, which are elements of religious and magical ideas, have been preserved. Most of the ritual actions were performed “in the old fashioned way,” however, the internal semantic content of many of them had already been lost.

It became clear that the modern Russian wedding is characterized by the simplification of all its constituent cycles, the rejection of a number of survival customs and rituals, the spread of standardized ritual forms known to many modern peoples,

Rituals and customs associated with the birth of children. First year of life.

The needs of normal reproduction among all peoples required an attentive and careful attitude towards the birth, preservation and education of a new generation. If the physiological processes associated with childbirth are the same for humans, then the centuries-old practice of obstetrics, caring for the woman in labor and the child, including both rational and religious-magical acts, have ethnic (and often socio-ethnic) specificity, due to both objective the need for adaptation and survival in a certain environment, and the religious views of a given society.

A valuable addition to the available materials are the memoirs of elderly village residents, recorded in the 70s - 90s of the 20th century. Most of them grew up in large families that mostly maintained a traditional family life. Their stories contain not only impressions of childhood and the experience of their own motherhood, but also episodes from the lives of previous generations heard from mothers and grandmothers. Thus, a huge amount of material was accumulated and comprehended, which made it possible to form an idea of ​​the culture of motherhood and childhood characteristic of the Russian people and to draw a number of conclusions regarding the content and genesis of its constituent elements. 1. It is quite obvious that many elements arose in ancient times, perhaps even before the introduction of Christianity in Rus', and were influenced to varying degrees by the new religion. 2. A number of ritual actions and corresponding ideas arose on the basis of a strengthened Christian worldview, but were non-canonical in nature, being the fruit of the people's religious imagination. 3- The performance of canonical Christian rites and the observance by the laity of religious instructions regarding their behavior in religious-ceremonial and religious-everyday life over the ten centuries of the existence of Christianity have acquired ethnic and religious specificity.

Infertility was accepted by people of that time as a misfortune for the family and a shame for the woman. The religious thinking of the Middle Ages saw the cause of all human troubles in God's punishment and, accordingly, saw the possibility of getting rid of them in gaining God's mercy. Therefore, to achieve “childbirth,” women, first of all, resorted to the means recommended by the church. According to historical legends, Grand Duke Vasily III, Tsar Ivan the Terrible and his eldest son Ivan were conceived and, moreover, gained viability through the prayers and votive prayers of their parents, with whom the entire Orthodox people prayed for the birth of heirs.

With a fairly equal attitude and love for children in Russian families, the birth of boys was still more expected. Among the peasants, this was caused primarily by economic reasons, and well-born parents wanted to have sons - heirs of the family. In addition, the girl had to prepare a dowry, and after getting married, she was separated from her parents, and they did not have to expect help from her in her old age. That’s why people used to say: “a boy is born for help, a girl is born for fun,” “you’ll make a home with your son, you’ll live off the rest with your daughter,” “raising a daughter, what to pour into a leaky barrel.” The preference for boys is also reflected in the fact that basically all superstitious means of influencing the gender of an unborn child are focused on the birth of sons. Many trusted in God's mercy and only prayed for the birth of a son or daughter, and it was recommended to pray to certain saints: for the birth of boys - St. John the Warrior, they asked St. for the birth of girls. Mary of Egypt.

The pregnancy period changed little in the life of a village woman. However, knowing about the possible consequences of hard work for the normal course of pregnancy and a woman’s health, they tried to transfer her to easier work. Particular attention was paid to the first-time mother. A mother-in-law who forced her young pregnant daughter-in-law to do hard work could be publicly condemned by her fellow villagers.

A woman’s behavior during pregnancy was also regulated by the superstitious belief that certain of her actions could in one way or another affect the health and character of the conceived child. Prenatal prohibitions and recommendations for pregnant women are based mainly on the magic of similarity. It was impossible to sit on a stone - the birth would be difficult, to step through a rope - the child would get tangled in the umbilical cord, to step through a rocker - the child would be hunchbacked, to push cats and dogs - the newborn would have “canine old age”, bristles on the skin, etc. it was not she had to kiss the deceased, saying goodbye to him, and even accompany the coffin to the cemetery. If this could not be avoided, she should have taken protective measures - put bread under her arm, unbuttoned the collar of her shirt, and thus avoid a difficult birth.

Even for multiparous village women, childbirth was dangerous and one had to prepare for it in a certain way. The physiological, i.e. material nature of childbirth was obvious to the villagers. However, the birth of a person, in their opinion, also had mystical content. According to believers, a person’s entire life is a constant struggle between “pure” and “demonic” forces for his soul, beginning with his first breath on Earth and even in the womb. The very moment of birth seemed especially dangerous, since in addition to the angel present at the birth and helping the mother and child, at the same time “an evil spirit is trying” and a difficult birth is often explained by “the pranks of Satan.” Therefore, in order to ensure the normal course of childbirth and preserve the life of both oneself and the child, it was necessary to resort to various means of Christian protection.

In the last stages of pregnancy, preferably just before childbirth, women considered it necessary to repent and take communion. First of all, this excluded the terrible danger of dying suddenly without accepting these sacraments. Not a single woman in labor considered herself insured against such a death. In addition, one of the possible reasons for protracted labor was considered to be violation by the woman, and sometimes by her husband, of the norms of religious and moral life. Communion cleansed the woman, “removing” involuntary sins. And, finally, it had a beneficial psychological effect, giving much-needed confidence in the help of the saints during labor pains. Religious repentance was supplemented by asking forgiveness from all household members and even neighbors - “for everything I offended and was rude to,” to which everyone answered, “God will forgive and we will go there too.” Someone’s ill will or irritation could lead to complications at this dangerous moment: it was believed that “a woman in labor suffers if there is an evil person in the hut.”

The onset of labor was carefully hidden. They were afraid not only of the intentional evil eye or damage. Many believed that even casual knowledge of what was happening complicates the course of labor. They said this: “As much as a person knows about childbirth, so much will be the effort.” The knowledge of young girls and old maids about them had a particularly unfavorable effect on the course of childbirth.

Childbirth more often took place outside the living quarters - in a barn, in a barn, or according to the most common tradition in the village - in a bathhouse. This was especially strictly observed among the Old Believers. In the XVI-XVII centuries. even Russian queens, like peasant women of the 19th century. , before giving birth, she retired to the soap bar.

The midwife was the only assistant during childbirth in the village house. One of the main tasks of a midwife is to protect mother and child from evil spirits. To do this, they widely used Christian paraphernalia of a protective nature - incense, holy water. The midwife began her care for the woman in labor by lighting a lamp and candles in front of the icons. This was considered so obligatory that if the baby became sick in the future, it was suspected that “he was probably born without fire.” And, of course, they lit a specially saved wedding candle, which, according to legend, not only helped alleviate suffering, but, “depending on the degree of faith in its healing power,” saved a woman with difficulty giving birth from death. Following this, the midwife began to pray: “Lord, forgive one sinful soul and another sinless soul. Release, Lord, her soul to repentance, and the baby to the cross.” Both the husband and all the household members prayed at the same time; in difficult cases, the husband walked around the house with the icon.

According to the most common Russian tradition, the midwife lived or stayed most of the time with the woman in labor for three days. Her main responsibility at that time was bathing the mother and child, as well as ensuring that no one spoiled them. In addition, if necessary, she also provided practical assistance: she could sweep the floors, milk the cow, prepare dinner, which allowed the woman in labor to rest after childbirth.

The presence of a midwife in the house of a woman in labor required, according to the peasantry, obligatory subsequent purification. For most of the Russian settlement, this purification was achieved through the ritual of “washing hands,” which, according to the most widespread tradition, took place on the third day after childbirth. The essence of the ritual is this: the mother and grandmother poured water, to which various objects with a certain meaning were often added, three times onto each other’s hands and mutually asked for forgiveness. The performance of this rite gave partial cleansing to the woman in labor and allowed the midwife to go and deliver the next child. Many religious peasants believed that this custom had existed since Gospel times: the Mother of God herself also “washed her hands” with grandmother Solomonida.

Baby-babying can be considered a professional craft. For her work, the midwife received a remuneration, the obligatory nature of which was guaranteed by the ethical standards of the village. Typically, women became midwives voluntarily, most often with the intention of earning a little money. But in the future, regardless of the amount of payment offered, or personal relationships, she could not refuse to help the woman in labor. According to the most widespread Russian tradition, the midwife’s remuneration consisted of an individual remuneration received from the woman in labor (it usually included items symbolizing cleansing - soap, a towel, as well as bread, and from the second half of the 19th century - a small amount of money), and a collective remuneration. collected at christenings.

The first concern of the midwife at birth is to determine whether everything is in order with the newborn and, if possible, try to correct the deficiencies. To do this, she straightened his arms and legs, lightly squeezed his head so that it became rounder; if she didn’t like the shape of the newborn’s nose, she squeezed it with her fingers, etc. Based on the time of birth and the special signs of the newborn, their future was predicted. It was believed that if a baby was born “squeezed exactly in the dough”, or had a hole in the head, it would not last long. The same fate awaited the baby born with his face to the ground. The hair on the head promised modesty of character. It was believed that someone born in bad weather would be stern and gloomy, someone born in May would be unhappy, and someone who screamed immediately after giving birth would be angry. A good housewife and worker will be made from a newborn who, when born, “immediately looks.” In this case, the boy will grow up to be “smart.”

Like many nations, Russian families, expecting misfortune, sought to deceive the evil fate that weighed on the family. To do this, for example, they gave birth in someone else's house, or knocked out a door frame in a hut, the woman gave birth in the entryway, then the grandmother brought the baby into the hut, standing with her back to the door, and the person receiving him also stood. To strengthen his health, a weak baby was handed to a beggar through the window, who carried him to the gate of the house. The baby’s mother came there with alms and placed it on the baby’s chest. Then she took the child, and the beggar took alms, saying: “God grant the holy baby (name) good health.”

Partial cleansing of the woman in labor, which removed some everyday prohibitions, resulted in the baptism of the newborn. Certain rites of this ritual complex symbolized the entry of a newborn into the world of living people, introduction to the world of human culture and society.

The child was baptized, “gifts” were placed in the font - incense, a cross, money. Friends, neighbors, and relatives of the child’s parents became godparents. Godparents could not be husband and wife. They were obliged to give gifts to the newborn - a shirt, a belt, a cross, i.e. objects, the presence of which indicated that he belonged to the human world. During baptism they used to tell fortunes - they dipped a tuft of a newborn's hair, rolled in wax, into the water. If the wax and hair sank, it was believed that the newborn would soon die.

Christenings ended with a meal, the main dish of which was porridge; often the ceremony itself was called “porridge.”

When the child turned one year old, “tonsures” were arranged, during which he was seated on objects associated with male or female activities (a boy on a knife or an ax, a girl on a comb or spindle) and his hair was cut for the first time.

After performing this sacrament, as well as the ritual of “washing one’s hands” (usually both occurred during the first week), the woman in labor could begin ordinary household and field work, and participate in family meals. She was considered completely cleansed only after accepting prayer in church on the 40th day. The isolation of the woman in labor among the priestless Old Believers was stricter. She spent eight days in the bathhouse. Upon returning home, she was given, if possible, a separate room. The elderly people living in the house avoided contact with her; even fellow villagers usually did not enter the house where the birth took place for 40 days.

All actions to care for a newborn were dictated both by practical knowledge of what was needed for his health and normal growth, and by similar considerations of a religious nature. Moreover, the latter played an important role. After all, it was common for a believer to associate the cause of all, even the most natural and logical events (not to mention random ones) with the direct or at least indirect intervention of external forces: “God punished”, “God saved” - the usual conclusions in assessing what is happening. And, of course, this conviction was especially clearly reflected in the attitude of adults towards a child who still had no opportunity to protect himself. The high child mortality rate from disease and injury was a constant reminder of the fragility and fragility of children's lives. Meanwhile, one’s own care and attention turned out to be insufficient to preserve the life and health of the child, especially since the peasant family did not always have the opportunity to look after the children. That is why they relied on the help of the protective means recommended by the church.

To prevent all misfortunes, they used “holy” water (Epiphany water, specially blessed, dripped from pebbles brought from Jerusalem, taken from holy springs), incense, communion; adults baptized children, especially at night, and gradually taught them to be baptized themselves.

The entire first year of a baby’s life occupied a special place in the series of childhood years. The baby’s very existence seemed too unstable; in addition, in the opinion of those around him, at this initial stage of his life the foundations of his health and well-being were laid. The behavior of adults was largely subject to numerous prohibitions and recommendations, united by the general principle of “do no harm.” Ignoring them could not only cause immediate harm, but also disrupt the normal development of the child in the future. You can indicate the most common customs: do not bring the baby to the mirror - he will not speak for a long time (options - he will be myopic, he will be scared, he will be askew); do not rock an empty cradle - the baby will have a headache; do not look at the sleeping person - the child will become sleepy, etc. Many recommendations for the care and treatment of children continue to this day.

The newborn's first bath took place on the day of birth; sometimes a newly born baby was only washed and then given a “white” bath. Objects were often added to the water, which were attributed magical properties, primarily cleansing and strengthening. Some of them were used during the first bath. For example, the custom of throwing coins (“according to the parents’ condition”), most often silver, into the water can be considered widespread. The parents threw the coins, and the midwife, who washed the baby, took them for herself “for her troubles.” Silver was supposed to ensure cleanliness of the skin and at the same time contribute to the future prosperity of the newborn. Other items, such as string and salt, were added to bathing water for medicinal purposes over a period of time.

The time of first placement in the cradle depended largely on the living conditions of the family, the number of children, and the calmness of the baby; In addition, many families did not consider it possible to place the child in the cradle before performing the sacrament of baptism on him. The first laying down was also accompanied by ritual actions, on which the health and tranquility of the newborn depended. In accordance with local tradition, wood was chosen for the cradle.

In the cradle, the baby had to exist separately from the mother, and therefore it was necessary to especially carefully protect it from damage and, especially, substitution by “evil spirits.” The cradle and everything that was supposed to be placed in it, including the child, was sprinkled with holy water, a cross was cut out or smeared with resin at the head of the cradle, fumigated with incense, placed inside or hung on a thread. When laying them down they said, for example, the following words: “Lord, bless! May God grant the holy hour. Lord, send your guardian angel to save Nicholas from the evil spirit and lull him into a peaceful sleep.” If the baby was not yet baptized, then a cross was hung on the cradle, which was then put on him during baptism. But caring parents did not limit themselves to using Christian paraphernalia. To protect against evil spirits, piercing objects, such as scissors, were placed in the hole, and for peace and sound sleep - a flax brush, pork cartilage - a snout, and sleep-grass in the head.

Immediately at birth, the child received a pacifier - chewed black bread (less often white, bagels), wrapped in a cloth. This juice not only served as nutrition for the newborn, but, according to popular belief, cured hernia. For “strength and health,” salt was added to the bread pacifier.

Among the ritual actions performed on infants, it is necessary to highlight the ritual of the first girding. Although it was not found everywhere, it was widely enough to be considered as a special subject of the Russian ritual tradition. This ritual consisted in the fact that the godmother (occasionally - the midwife) brought the godson (goddaughter) a belt, and sometimes other items of clothing - a cap, a shirt, as well as gifts, and with the wish to “grow quickly” and to be healthy, she belted him, which was usually followed by a small treat. The ritual and temporary allocation of the first girdling is apparently connected with the special function of magical protection that, in the opinion of the Russian people, this obligatory element of the folk costume possessed. It can be assumed that in this way the folk custom preserved, although in a modified form, the church rite of putting a belt (as well as a cross) on a baptized baby. This element of the rite of the sacrament of baptism in the 19th century. had already gone out of practice in the Orthodox Church and was preserved only in the baptismal rite of the Old Believers.

Currently, rituals and customs associated with the birth of children have changed greatly: women preparing to become mothers are in special maternity hospitals, where specialized doctors take care of them. The only custom that has survived to this day is the baptism of a child in the church. In the last decade, the rite of baptism of a child has become “fashionable”.

Funeral rituals

These rituals occupy a special place in the rituals of the family cycle. Compared to other rituals, they are more conservative, since they reflect slowly changing ideas about death and the relationship between the living and the dead. In addition, compliance with established ritual actions has long been considered important for the fate of the soul in the afterlife, and therefore was the moral obligation of relatives towards the deceased. The fulfillment of this duty was controlled by public opinion, as well as the belief that the soul of the deceased could punish relatives if something was done wrong. As these ideas weakened, the ritual continued to be supported by ethical standards. Burial and commemoration were viewed as a special event, when it was inappropriate to show excessive frugality and neglect customs, even those that might seem unnecessary and meaningless. Proper execution of funeral and memorial rituals was a sign of respect for the person who had passed away.

Funeral rites of Russians of the 19th - early 20th centuries. , as we know it from research literature, archival descriptions and field materials, evolved over a long period. It is based on the Christian (Orthodox) funeral ritual, which has adopted and absorbed numerous rituals and beliefs preserved from pre-Christian traditions.

The pagan funeral rite of Ancient Rus', supplanted by Orthodoxy, is known only in the most general terms. As archaeological data show, the Slavs knew the burning of corpses, built mounds and pillars (apparently a structure in the form of a small house on pillars), in which vessels with bones collected in the cemetery were placed. The deceased was taken to the funeral pyre or to the grave in a boat or sleigh; with the dead they put his things in the grave. The burial was accompanied by a funeral “feast” and ritual games and competitions - a funeral feast. Back at the beginning of the 12th century. The Vyatichi preserved the kurgan burial rite.

With the establishment of Christianity, a new funeral and memorial rite, prescribed by the church, came into life. Christian rituals categorically rejected the burning of the dead. The burial should have been in the ground, placing the body of the deceased “with his head to the west.” But at the same time, many pre-Christian customs continued to be observed. The combination of Christian and pagan traditions was facilitated by common ideas of faith - belief in the afterlife, in the continuing life of the soul and in the need to care for the souls of deceased relatives.

Differences in funeral rituals were observed in different social groups (peasantry, merchants, nobility), but they, at least in the 19th century. were not of a fundamental nature. It is important to emphasize that ritualism lived its most intense life and in its fullest forms in the peasant environment. The funeral and memorial ritual became different, and in some cases significantly different, when Russians abandoned Orthodoxy.

Funeral and memorial ritual towards the end of the 19th century. has undergone noticeable changes (mainly due to the oblivion or reinterpretation of a number of pre-Christian traditions). In addition, the chronological milestone in the description allows us, within a clearly defined period, to present, using specific examples, the changes that ultimately led to the formation of forms of ritual that are characteristic of modern times.

The structure of the funeral and memorial ritual is simple and consists of several sequential ritual complexes, namely: l) actions associated with the near-death state of a person and at the moment of death, with dressing the deceased and placing him in a coffin; 2) removal from home, funeral service in church, burial; h) wakes, which after the 40th day turned into memorial rites associated with calendar rituals.

Elderly people prepared for death in advance. Women sewed their own death clothes; in some areas it was customary to make coffins or stock up on boards for the coffin long before death. But for a deeply religious person, the main thing was to prepare oneself for this last step in life spiritually, that is, to have time to do the necessary things to save the soul. Giving alms and making contributions to churches and monasteries were considered godly deeds. It was also considered a pious act to forgive debts. They were very afraid of sudden death (“overnight”); The daily prayer included the words “Lord forbid that every person should die without repentance.” To die at home, among loved ones, in full memory, according to the Russians, was “heavenly grace.” The whole family gathered around the dying man, they brought him images (icons), and he blessed each one especially. If the patient felt very bad, then a priest was invited for confession; stories about his sins, the dying person received forgiveness from him in the name of Jesus Christ.

After confession, the dying person said goodbye to his family and relatives and gave instructions. It was very important for relatives and others to receive forgiveness from the dying person for the grievances that may have once been caused to him. Fulfilling the orders of the dying person was considered obligatory: “It is impossible to anger the deceased, it will bring misfortune to those remaining on earth.”

If a person died quickly and painlessly, they believed that his soul would go to heaven, and if before his death he suffered heavily and for a long time, it means that his sins were so great that he could not escape hell. Relatives, seeing how the dying man was suffering, tried to help the soul leave the body. To do this, they opened the door, window, chimney, broke the ridge on the roof, and lifted the top part of the roof of the house. They placed a cup of water everywhere so that the soul could be washed when it flew away. The dying person was supposed to be laid on the floor, covered with straw. Dying on a stove was considered a great sin.

When death occurred, relatives began to lament loudly. It was assumed that the deceased sees and hears everything. In the texts of lamentations, in addition to compassionate and kind words about the deceased, words could also be heard about the mourner’s own fate. Thus, in her lamentations, a widow-daughter-in-law could tell how badly her husband’s relatives treated her; a daughter left without a mother could complain about her evil stepmother. Lamentations were performed throughout the entire funeral rite, as well as on memorial days, including godins and parental Saturdays.

With the onset of death, everything was aimed at preparing the deceased for the funeral. These actions were largely of a religious and magical nature. First of all, the deceased had to be washed. For a long time, as was customary, men were washed by old men, women by old women, but by the middle of the 19th century. Washing was mainly done only by women. In every village there were old women who washed the dead, receiving something from the deceased’s clothing - a sundress, a shirt or a scarf. Poor people often did the washing. Often the washers were midwives. Washing the deceased was considered a godly deed: “If you wash three dead people, all sins will be forgiven; if you wash forty dead people, you yourself will become sinless.” According to custom, the woman, having washed and dressed the deceased, had to wash herself and change clothes. During the washing, close relatives of the deceased were often present and wailed loudly. One woman washed, and two helped her. They tried to wash the body quickly. At the same time, prayers were read. The deceased was placed on the floor, having previously laid straw (or some kind of fabric) under it. Wash with warm water and soap. They combed their hair with a comb or a sliver from the coffin. All objects used in washing were destroyed: the straw was burned or lowered into the water, or thrown into a ditch; the comb was thrown away or placed with the deceased in the coffin, the water pot was broken and thrown away at the first intersection. Soap was either placed in the coffin, or used later only for magical healing purposes, water was poured into places where people usually did not go, or on a fire in which straw was burned.

Based on available materials from the 19th - 20th centuries. There were the following types of clothes in which people were buried: l) Wedding clothes. Many people, especially women, kept the clothes (often just a shirt) in which they were married throughout their lives. There was a widespread belief that the wedding attire (branchno) should be protected, because it should be worn in the coffin. There was also a saying: “What you get married in is what you die in.” 2) Festive clothes, i.e. those that were worn on holidays during life. h) Casual clothing that a person died in or wore before his death. 4) Clothing specially prepared for the funeral.

It was a well-known custom to prepare clothes for a funeral. The “mortal bundle” or “mortal clothing” was stored in advance. The clothes prepared for burial differed in the method of sewing, cut, material, and color. The dead were dressed differently from the living. The shirt worn “to death” was not fastened with buttons or cufflinks, but was tied with braid or harsh threads. When sewing funeral clothing, no knots were made on the threads. The thread was supposed to be led from itself; the needle was held with the left hand, and the fabric was not cut with scissors, but torn.

After washing and “dressing” the deceased, they placed him on a bench in the front corner, lit a lamp in front of the icons and began to pray. In general, from the moment of death until the funeral (they were buried, as a rule, on the third day), prayers were read over the deceased by specially invited readers. They were given tea and treated to dinner; There was honey on the table, sometimes diluted with water. Someone always sat next to the deceased; he was not left alone, “for fear that the demon would fly in and spoil the deceased.” They believed that the deceased heard everything that was happening around. So, the next day after death, the housewife baked a rye flatbread, took it to the deceased with laments: “Sudarik father (if the head of the family has died) let me give you a flatbread for breakfast, you didn’t have dinner with me yesterday, and you didn’t have breakfast today.” In some places, on the second day after death, a cup of water and a pancake or a piece of bread was placed on the shrine. This piece of bread was served to the poor every other day, and the water was poured out the window. This went on for forty days. While the deceased lay at home, prayers were read at night.

When death occurred, all relatives and fellow villagers were immediately notified. Hearing that someone had died, everyone, strangers and relatives, hurried to the house where the deceased lay, and everyone carried something, most often candles. During the entire time that the deceased lay under the icons, relatives, including those from other villages, as well as fellow villagers, came to him to say goodbye. The poor and rootless were buried and commemorated at the expense of the entire society.

Thus, the death of a fellow villager became an event in the life of the entire village and affected not only those closest to them, but also everyone around them. Relatives were not left alone with their grief.

The coffin usually began to be made on the day of death, usually by strangers. In the 19th century Among the peasants, coffins were not upholstered or painted. Some of the small shavings from the coffin spread to the bottom, sometimes it was covered with leaves from birch brooms or hay; the pillow was stuffed with hay or tow, and canvas or white cloth was laid on top. It happened that a pipe and a pouch of tobacco and a broom were placed in the coffin so that there would be something to take a steam bath in the next world. It was once believed that the deceased would need everything in the next world.

Before placing the deceased in the coffin, the coffin was fumigated with incense. The day of the funeral was usually set by the priest. They were usually buried during the day. Without a priest or deacon, the deceased was not placed in a coffin, because the deceased had to be sprinkled with holy water and fumigated with incense, and only a clergyman could do this. The deceased was usually taken out of the house in the morning in order to get to church in time for mass. But sometimes the deceased was brought there in the evening, and on the last night the coffin with him stood in the church.

The day of the burial was especially rich in ritual activities and manifestations of grief. According to traditional beliefs, the deceased on this day said goodbye to everything that surrounded him during his life - his house, yard, village. A horse was sent for the priest. Arriving at the house, the priest served a litany over the deceased, sprinkling the empty coffin with holy water. Then, in the presence of a priest, the deceased was placed in it. When they were carried out, the whole village was crowded into the hut, everyone was crying loudly. According to the peasants, the more mourners and the louder the crying, the more honorable the funeral. They had to cry out loud and lament every morning for nine days. On the day of the funeral, neighbors brought a candle, as well as two kopecks or a scoop of rye flour. All this went to the benefit of the church. In some places, before carrying the coffin to the church, close relatives of the deceased tied the priest and all male relatives with long linen towels. They carried the coffin with the deceased on themselves, and when they sat down, the temple was far away; they were transported on a horse, which, according to custom, was unharnessed near the church.

When the body was removed, many magical rituals were performed. They always carried out the deceased feet first.

After the funeral service in the church, the priest, if asked, accompanied the coffin to the burial place. Here the funeral procession was awaited by the men who were digging the grave. The depth of the grave could be no more than three arshins - the priests strictly monitored this. Its width was up to 3/4 arshin, and its length depended on the height of the deceased. The grave was supposed to be dug just before the funeral; When the hole was ready, the “diggers” remained near it, guarding the grave “from the demon.” At the grave, the priest, by order of the relatives of the deceased, once again celebrated the litiya. They burned incense inside the grave. Then the coffin was closed and slowly lowered into the hole on towels (ropes) and placed on logs or directly on the ground. They threw money into the grave, “so that the soul would have something to pay for transportation to the next world,” “so that there would be something to pay off sin”; funeral participants threw a handful of earth into the grave. This custom was widespread. The burial mound was covered with turf. In many places, trees were planted near the graves: birch, willow, linden, poplar, willow, rowan, etc. Wooden crosses were placed on the graves.

After the burial, they again served a memorial service, and then left the cemetery. In many provinces, commemoration was performed at graves immediately after burial: a tablecloth or piece of canvas was laid out on the grave, on which pies were placed, honey, and kutya were placed. The poor were served bread and pancakes.

After removing the deceased, the women who remained at home washed the floors. In some areas it was considered necessary to also wash the walls, benches and all utensils. Participants in the funeral procession, returning from the cemetery, usually washed in a specially heated bathhouse.

Throughout Russia, in relation to people who died an unnatural death (suicides, drunks, drowned people), the traditional funeral ritual was not fully observed. This attitude towards people who died of their own free will (guilt) or by chance is based on Christian precepts. There was no funeral service for the suicide, despite the fact that he could have been the closest person (father, son, husband). There were never funeral services for suicides. According to popular beliefs, remembering them even at home during prayer was considered a sin, not to mention the church. Suicides were not supposed to be buried in a cemetery.

Today, it is common to think that they used to drink a lot at Russian funerals. But in reality everything was different. In some localities there was, and still is, very little drinking on the day of a funeral. At lunch on the day of the funeral, if vodka was served, it was only a little (no more than two or three glasses). The abundance of strong drinks on this day was considered inappropriate. In some areas, the appearance of vodka and beer on the table set for people coming from the cemetery dates back to the time after the Civil War. Abundant funeral treats have their roots in the distant pagan past, recalling the ritual role of intoxicating drinks. The obligatory ritual dishes at lunch on the day of the funeral were kutia, honey, porridge, oatmeal or cranberry jelly, and in some areas - fish pies and pancakes. They called to remember everyone who participated in the funeral. As a rule, a lot of people gathered, so lunch was held in two or three sittings. At first, they treated church ministers, readers, washers and diggers, relatives and friends. The table was set twice - before the funeral service and after the clergy left. There were often cases when it was necessary to set the table with food for the third time. There was a widespread belief that the deceased was invisibly present at the wake; therefore, for the deceased, they placed a spoon (sometimes under the tablecloth) and a loaf of bread for him.

The funeral table always began with kutya, which was prepared differently in different provinces: from boiled rice or barley with honey. The meal always ended with rye or oatmeal jelly.

Commemoration of deceased relatives was celebrated on the 3rd, 9th, 20th and 40th days, on anniversaries and holidays. Remembrance was expressed in the service of memorial services and remembrances at liturgies, visits to graves, memorial dinners and the distribution of alms. In some areas people visited the graves every day for six weeks. Apparently, it was once believed that the soul stayed at home or visited a home for forty days. This idea is evidenced by the well-known custom in a number of provinces of placing a cup of water and a pancake or a piece of bread on the shrine the day after death. This bread was served to the poor every other day, and the water was poured out the window. This went on for forty days.

The 40th day after death, the so-called Sorochin, when, according to popular beliefs, the soul visited the house for the last time, was particularly complex and solemn. In many places, all actions carried out on this day were called farewells or calling out to the soul. On the 40th day, a lot of people were invited and a rich table was served. Basically, the ritual of the 40th day in different provinces followed the same scenario: they were sure to attend church if it was within reach, then they went to the grave of the deceased, and then they had dinner at home. The deceased was also commemorated a year after death.

After this, the remembrance stopped.

Funeral - funeral rituals live in any nation as an integral part of its cultural traditions; it reflects the characteristics of human connections and moral norms that determine the state of society in a given period. Respect for the dead demonstrates respect for the living. If family, birth and friendship ties are deformed and weakened in society, it makes no sense to expect the manifestation of deep feelings for those who have left this world. Strengthening the traditions associated with the memory of the departed allows us to think that in our society, despite all the difficulties and social experiments, healthy foundations have been preserved.

Based on the results of a survey conducted among older people, it follows that funeral and memorial traditions have remained virtually unchanged.

3. Conclusion.

Interest in Russian rituals and holidays emerged in the 30s and 40s of the 19th century. It was determined by the era of that time and reflected support for the monarchy and patriarchal antiquity. A trend of scientists emerged who put forward the theory of “official nationality.” The most interesting are the studies of I. M. Snegirev (1838), I. P. Sakharov (1841), A. V. Tereshchenko (1848), which highlight observations of folk rituals and holidays, an attempt was made to systematize records, and explain the emergence of historical roots going back to in the ancient times of the pagan Slavs. At the same time, works by P. A. Slovtsov (1830, 1915> 1938) were published according to the traditions of Russian Siberians, in which the author laid the foundations for the ethnographic study of the Russian population of Siberia. In his works, the researcher provides colorful descriptions of Siberian rituals, customs and holidays.

Collecting activity significantly revived after the creation of the Russian Geographical Society in 1845. Published in 1848 and 1859, the program contained a number of practical tips on collecting and recording folk life. A major role in collecting information about the spiritual and material culture of Russians in Siberia was played by local periodicals, primarily the Tomsk Provincial Gazette, on whose pages notes about the folk life of peasants were published. In the course of collecting ethnographic material, it was comprehended, and “theoretical works were created, different directions in ethnographic science arose. By the end of the 19th - beginning of the 20th century, there were a small number of publications about the folk life of Russian Siberians. But their value lay in the fact that they were published in period of active existence of folk culture and thus, as it were, called upon researchers to the need to collect new information about the culture of Siberian peasants.

Tradition - from lat. (traditio - transmission) - elements of social and cultural heritage that are transmitted from generation to generation and preserved in certain societies and social groups for a long time. Tradition is defined as certain social institutions, norms of behavior, values, ideas, customs, rituals, etc.

Having studied the history of the emergence of Russian villages, having examined local rites, rituals, and customs, I concluded that part of Siberian folklore has been lost and requires detailed study and restoration for preservation and transmission to our descendants. The significance of the rituals discussed is great, since this is our history, this is the life of our ancestors. Knowing the conditions of their life, their way of life, traditions, we can recreate a more complete picture of work and leisure. First of all, the keepers of traditions are cultural and educational workers. Who, if not they, will bring ancient rituals and beliefs to the modern generation? They collect the remains of valuable information and support the ancient way of life and traditions of Siberian folklore. These people revive the love for customs, with their perseverance, proving that everything new is well forgotten old. We must pay tribute to those people who are professionally engaged in “excavations” of information about ancient rituals and traditions - these are ethnographers and historians. If it weren’t for them, today we would not know: how our grandparents celebrated Maslenitsa, Easter, New Year, Christmas; how weddings, baptismal ceremonies, and funerals used to be held; we would only guess about how diverse the life of our ancestors was. Folklorists made a special contribution to the development of ethnographic culture (Folkloristics is the science of folklore, including the collection, publication and study of works of folk art). After all, folklore is oral folk art; it was in it that, previously, all the events of folk culture were reflected.

After talking with the elderly residents of the village, we concluded that the life of our ancestors was very interesting and eventful. Why is that? Probably because people used to follow traditions and pass them on from generation to generation. And any traditions or customs are based on the beliefs of people. And now, many years later, some of them are completely lost, while others are greatly changed. If you remember all the rituals, you can immediately understand that if you celebrate all the holidays in the old way, it will be interesting, bright and colorful.