Propp Russian fairy tale 1984. Vladimir Propp - Russian folklorist

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Beth. 1) Mythus, Sage, Marchen. Leipzig, s. a. 2) Hessische Blatter ftr Volkskunde. Leipzig, 1905, Bd. IV. Wundt W. Murchen, Sage und Legende als Entwickelungsformen des Mythus // Archiv f. Religionswissenschaft. Bd. XI. Leipzig, 1908. Brinton D. G. The myths of the new world. S. I., 1868. Cushing F. Zuni folktales. New York, 1901. Rand O. Legends of the Mimacs. LondonNew York, 1894. Boas F. Indianische Sagen von der Nord-Pazifischen Kliste Amerikas. Berlin, 1895.28 29 30 31 32

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Simonsuuri L. Typen und Motiwerzeichnis der finnischen mythischen Sagen. FFC N 182, Helsinki, 1961. ., : . . XIX XX. .., 1957; . . . ., 1975, . (.).2

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1. ., 1859. Andrejew N. P. Die Legende von dem zwei ErzsUnder. FFC N 54. Helsinki, 1924. .: . . 1) / / .. XIX XX . . . 56., 1979, 2526; 2) () / / 1962, 7, . 8 4 - 9 8 (.).44

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We examined the fairy tale in the sequence of its component parts.

These components of the composition are the same for different subjects. They consistently flow from one another and form a certain whole. We have reviewed the sources for each such motive. But we have not yet compared these sources in their relation to each other. In other words, we know the sources of individual motives, but we do not yet know the source of their sequence.

ity in the course of the action, we do not know the source of the tale as a whole. A quick retrospective look at the sources reviewed shows that many of the fairy tale motifs go back to various social institutions, among which the rite of passage occupies a special place. Further, we see that ideas about the afterlife and travel to another world play a big role. These two cycles quantitatively provide the maximum number of motifs. In addition, some motives have a different origin.

If we list the results obtained, arranging them by sources or historical correspondences, we will get the following picture. The following motives go back to the initiation complex: taking or expelling children into the forest or abducting them by the forest spirit, hut, selling, beating heroes with yaga, cutting off a finger, showing the remaining imaginary signs of death, baking yaga, cutting and reviving, swallowing and spewing, obtaining a magical remedy or a magical assistant, travesty, a forest teacher and cunning science. The subsequent period before marriage and the moment of return are reflected in the motifs of a large house, a laid table in it, hunters, robbers, a sister, a beauty in a coffin, a beauty in a wonderful garden and palace (Psyche), in the motifs of the unwashed woman, a husband at his wife’s wedding, a wife at the wedding of her husband, the forbidden closet and some others.

These correspondences allow us to assert that the cycle of initiation is the most ancient basis of the fairy tale. All these motifs, taken as a whole, can be combined into countless different fairy tales.

Another cycle, a circle that shows correspondence with a fairy tale, is the cycle of ideas about death; This includes: the abduction of girls by snakes, types of miraculous birth, such as the return of the deceased, setting off on a journey with iron shoes, etc., the forest as an entrance to another kingdom, the smell of a hero, sprinkling of hut doors, a treat at the yaga, the figure of a ferryman-guide, a long journey on an eagle, horse, boat, etc., a fight with the guardian of the entrance, seeking to eat the stranger, weighing on scales, arrival in another kingdom and all its accessories.

The addition of these two cycles gives almost all (but still not all) of the main components of the tale. It is impossible to draw an exact boundary between these two cycles. We know that the entire initiation rite was experienced as a sojourn in the land of death, and, on the contrary, the deceased experienced everything that the initiate experienced: received an assistant, met a absorber, etc.

If you imagine everything that happened to the initiate and tell it sequentially, you will get the composition on which the fairy tale is built. If we tell sequentially everything that was believed to happen to the deceased, then

you will get the same core again, but with the addition of those elements that are not enough for the line of these rituals. Both of these cycles together provide almost all the basic constructive elements of a fairy tale.

What did we find? We found that the compositional unity of a fairy tale lies not in some peculiarities of the human psyche, not especially in artistic creativity, it lies in the historical reality of the past. What they tell now was once done, depicted, and what was not done was imagined. Of these two cycles, the first (rite) dies out earlier than the second. The ritual is no longer performed, ideas about death live longer, develop, and change without any connection with this ritual. The disappearance of the ritual is associated with the disappearance of hunting as the only or main source of existence.

Based on everything that has been said here, we must imagine the further formation of the plot in such a way that this core, once created, absorbs some new particulars or complications from a new, later reality. On the other hand, new life creates new genres (novelistic fairy tales), which grow on a different soil than the composition and plots of a fairy tale. In other words, development proceeds through layering, through replacement, rethinking, etc., on the other hand, through new formations.

Thus, the motive of the royal children imprisoned comes from the custom of isolating kings, priests, magicians and their children. This is layering. The motif of a deceased father or a grateful dead man giving the hero a horse functionally corresponds to the yaga giving a horse. Here, under the influence of the cult of ancestors, i.e. a later phenomenon, we have a rethinking and deformation of the figure of the donor while preserving the function of donation. Consequently, the question of motives not related to those cycles discussed above must be resolved in each case separately. This applies, for example, to the motive of marriage and the accession of the hero. In the image of the princess, on the one hand, we recognize an independent woman, the holder of the clan and totemic magic. She is the "Tsar Maiden". Further, she can be compared with the celestial wife of the shaman. She can also be compared with the widow or daughter of a king who is killed and eliminated by the heir.

The entire range of motives associated with difficult tasks seems very difficult to analyze. It cannot be proven with certainty that the fairy tale here preserved the custom of testing the magical power of the heir. However, based on a number of indirect indicators, this can be stated with some degree of probability.

In what follows, this law of conservation of composition with replacement

The characters remain unshakable, and the further development of the tale follows this line. Everyday life, a changed life - this is where the material for replacement comes from. So, it turns out that behind a beggar woman you can recognize Baba Yaga, behind a two-story house with a balcony - a man’s house, etc.

This conclusion does not correspond to current ideas about the fairy tale. It is usually believed that certain elements of prehistoricity are interspersed into a fairy tale, and that the whole story is a product of “free” artistic creativity. We see that a fairy tale consists of elements that go back to phenomena and ideas that took place in pre-class society.

2. Fairy tale as a genre.

We have identified the sources of individual motives. We found out that the connection, their sequence, is also not a random phenomenon. But this does not yet explain the fact of the emergence of a fairy tale as such.

What is the oldest stage of storytelling? We already know from the previous one that during initiation the younger ones were told something. But what exactly?

The coincidence of the composition of myths and fairy tales with the sequence of events that took place during the initiation makes us think that they were telling the same thing that happened to the young man, but they were telling it not about him, but about an ancestor, the founder of the clan and customs, who, having been miraculously born Having visited the kingdom of bears, wolves, etc., he brought from there fire, magical dances (the same ones that are taught to young men), etc. At first these events were not so much told as they were depicted conventionally dramatically. They also served as objects of fine arts. It is impossible to understand the carvings and ornaments of many peoples without knowing their legends and “fairy tales”. The meaning of the events that took place over him was revealed to the initiate here. The stories likened him to the one they were talking about. The stories were part of the cult and were prohibited. These prohibitions serve as a second consideration in favor of the position that they were telling something that was directly related to the ritual.

Unfortunately, the vast majority of collections of stories of the so-called primitive peoples consist only of texts. We know nothing about the setting in which the stories were told, the circumstances surrounding the stories, etc. However, there are exceptions. In some cases, collectors not only provide texts, but also provide some details about how these stories exist.

A very complete account of how such tales are treated is given by Dorsey in the introduction to his collection Traditions of the Skidi-Pawnee (Dorsey 1904). He talks about the many ceremonies and dances, including

including the ceremonial transfer of sacred bundles (tbundles, bags, or bundles). These are a kind of amulets. They are kept in the house and represent its shrine. All well-being, luck in hunting, etc. depend on them. Their contents are different: they contain feathers, grains, tobacco leaves, etc. In short, we recognize in them the prototype of our “magical gifts.” “Each such ceremony and each dance was accompanied not only by its own ritual, but by a story about its origin” (X), says Dorsey. By the story about the origin of these amulets we should understand, as the collection shows, stories about how, for example, the first owner of this bundle went into the forest, met a buffalo there, was taken by him to the kingdom of buffaloes, received this amulet there, was taught to dance and returned, taught the people all this and became a leader. Such stories “were usually the personal property of the holder or owner of the knot or dance and, as a rule, were told immediately after the performance of the ritual or during the transfer of ownership of the knot or ceremony to its next owner” (XII) Thus, the story is part of the ritual, rite, it is attached to him and to the person who takes possession of the amulet. A story is a kind of verbal amulet, a means of magical influence on the world around us. “Thus, each of these stories was esoteric... That is why it is with the greatest difficulty that anything resembling an etiological story (origin-myth) can be obtained as a whole” (XIV).

There are two aspects to this testimony that are important. Firstly, as already indicated, stories exist along with the ritual and form an integral part of it. Secondly, we are here at the origins of a phenomenon that can be traced back to our days, namely the ban on storytelling. They prohibited and observed the ban not because of etiquette, but because of the magical functions inherent in the story and the act of telling. "By telling them, he (the narrator) gives away some part of his life, bringing it closer to the end. Thus, a middle-aged man once exclaimed: “I can’t tell you everything I know, because I’m not going to die yet.” Or, as the old priest put it: “I know that my days are numbered. My life is already useless. There is no reason why I should not tell everything I know" (XV).

We will return to prohibitions later, but for now we will consider the connection of such stories with ritual. One might argue that the phenomenon Dorsey is talking about is a particular, local phenomenon. This is apparently how Dorsey himself understands the matter; he does not provide comparative material. However, it is not. True, the connection between the story and the ritual cannot be strictly proven here. It must be shown on very large material. Here

Reference may be made to Boas's collection of Indian tales and to his study of the social organization and secret alliances of the Kwakiutl tribe. The collection contains only texts. These, from the point of view of traditional folkloristics, are “Indian versions” or “variants” of many fairy tales and motifs known in Europe. One gets the impression that these are fictional stories, and nothing more. But things change completely as soon as we begin to get acquainted not only with the texts, but with the social organization of at least one of the tribes. These texts suddenly appear in a completely new light. We see how closely they are connected with the entire structure of life of this tribe, so that neither the rituals nor the institutions of the tribe are intelligible without stories, “legends,” as Boas calls them, and vice versa: stories become understandable only from an analysis of social life, they are included in it not only as components, but in the eyes of the tribe they serve as one of the conditions of life, along with tools and amulets, and are guarded and guarded as the greatest shrine. “Myths constitute, literally speaking, the most precious treasure of the tribe. They belong to the very core of what the tribe reveres as a shrine. The most important myths are known only to the old people, who zealously guard their secret... The old guardians of this secret knowledge sit in the village, mute , like sphinxes, and decide to what extent they can, without incurring danger, entrust the knowledge of their ancestors to the younger generation and at what precise moment this transmission of secrets can be most fruitful..." (Lévy-Bruhl 262). Myths are not only components of life, they are parts of each person individually. To take away his story means to take away his life. Myth here has production and social functions, and this is not a private phenomenon, it is a law. Disclosure of a myth would deprive it of its sacred character, and at the same time of its magical or, as Lévy-Bruhl says, “mystical” power. Without myths, the tribe would be unable to maintain its existence.

Unlike a fairy tale, which in terms of the plot content is a relic, here we have a living connection with the entire reality of the people, with production, social system and beliefs. Animals met by the hero or ancestor of the initiate were depicted on pillars; the objects mentioned in these legends are worn and dressed during dances; in the dances they depict bears, owls, crows and other animals that have provided the initiate with magical power, etc.

The materials and considerations presented here answer the question of how a certain category of myth arises, but they still do not explain how our fairy tale arises.

In the first chapter we established that a fairy tale is not determined by

the system within which it exists. Now we can add some clarification to this. The plot and composition of a fairy tale are determined by the tribal system at that stage of its development, the representative of which we took as an example from the American tribes studied by Dorsey, Boas and others. We see here a direct correspondence between the base and the superstructure. The new social function of the plot, its purely artistic use, is associated with the disappearance of the system that created it. Externally, the beginning of this process, the process of the degeneration of a myth into a fairy tale, is reflected in the detachment of the plot and the act of storytelling from the ritual. The moment of this detachment from the ritual is the beginning of the history of the fairy tale, while its syncretism with the ritual represents its prehistory. This detachment could occur either naturally, as a historical necessity, or it could be artificially accelerated by the appearance of Europeans, the Christianization of Indians and the forced resettlement of entire tribes to other, worse lands, a change in lifestyle, a change in the method of production, etc. This detachment Dorsey is also already watching. Let us not forget that Europeans have ruled America for over 500 years and that here we often have only a reflection of the original situation, we already have its decomposition, fragments, more or less clear traces. "Of course, these myths about the origin of knots and dances do not always remain the exclusive property of the priests; they find their way to ordinary people, where they, being told, lose much of their original meaning. Thus, by a gradual process of corruption, they reach the point that they no meaning is assigned, and they are told as fairy tales are told" (Dorsey). Dorsey calls the process of detachment from the ritual corruption. However, a fairy tale, already devoid of religious functions, does not in itself represent something reduced in comparison with the myth from which it originated. On the contrary, freed from the bonds of religious conventions, the fairy tale breaks out into the free air of artistic creativity, driven by other social factors, and begins to live a full-blooded life.

This explains the origin of not only the plot in terms of its content, but the origin of the fairy tale as an artistic story.

We repeat that this position cannot actually be proven; it can be shown using a large amount of material, but this is impossible to do here. But still there is one more doubt. We are talking only about fairy tales. We found it possible to isolate them from others and study them independently. Having opened the contact, we now, at the end of the work, must close it again, because the study of other genres can make a change in our

This is a better idea of ​​how a fairy tale came together.

We examined the rituals and myths of the so-called primitive peoples and linked them with modern fairy tales, but we did not study the tales of these peoples, we did not take into account the possibility of artistic tradition from the very beginning.

Although plots not related to fairy tales were not studied here, it seems that not only fairy tales, but also many others (for example, tales about animals) have the same origin. This can be proven by special monographs devoted to these genres, but it cannot be proven here. Studying collections of Indian fairy tales leads to the conclusion that this is entirely ritual material, that is, that a fairy tale in our sense of the word is still unknown here. This point of view will seem unconvincing to a folklorist, but ethnographers who are familiar with more than just texts are more likely to admit the possibility of such a situation. Neuhaus observed it in the former German New Guinea. They “knew only legends: they knew neither fairy tales nor fables. Stories that seem fabulous to us are for them the same legends as others” (Neuhauss 161). Lévy-Bruhl also considers this position established and cites this testimony as evidence (Lévy-Bruhl 267). This can also be confirmed by analyzing fairy tales about animals. So; for example, in North America, there is a special category of tales about "coyote". These are funny stories about the antics of a coyote. The Skidi Indians say of him: "Coyote is a magnificent fellow. He knows all things, and is simply impossible to destroy. Moreover, he is full of wild quirks and very cunning, can only be overcome with the greatest difficulties, and he is rarely completely defeated." . But these "tales" are told when some undertaking is to be undertaken, and the coyote's agility must pass to the teller. What we assert about American folklore, Bogoraz observes in Koryak-Kamchadal folklore. “Koryak-Kamchadal folklore is distinguished by its cheerful, mocking character. Many strange and funny stories are told about the raven Kukht about how he fought with mouse girls, how he set fire to his own house, etc. Kukht appears either in the form of a man or in the form of a raven . Folklore treats him completely disrespectfully. At the same time, Kukht is also the Creator Raven, who created heaven and earth. Kukht created man, got fire for him, then gave him animals for hunting "(Bogoraz-Tan 1936, 29). What Bogoraz sees as irreverence may actually be admiration for the raven's cunning, as Dorsey points out. In any case, if the raven about which such funny things are told is yours,

the rector of heaven and earth, and if stories are told before a hunt, then here too the sacred character of the story is undeniable, and thereby reinforces the idea of ​​the sacred character not only of fairy tales. After all, initiation is far from the only rite; there were also seasonal hunting and field rites, and a whole series of other rites, and each of them could have its own originating myth. The connection of these rituals with myths and the connection of both of them with fairy tales has not yet been completely explored. To clarify this issue, it is necessary to study in detail the composition of the folklore of pre-class peoples. This would take us too far, and for our purposes it is not immediately necessary.

From all that has been said, it is clear that the “profanation” of the sacred plot begins very early (by “profanation” we mean the transformation of a sacred story into a profane one, that is, not spiritual, not esoteric, but artistic). This is the moment of birth of the fairy tale itself. But it is impossible to separate where the sacred story ends and the fairy tale begins. As D.K. Zelenin showed in his work “The Religious-Magical Function of Fairy Tales” (Zelenin 1934), prohibitions on telling and attributing magical influence on fairy tales to fairy tales continue to this day even among cultural peoples. We know the same about Vogul tales, about Mari, etc. But these are still relics, remnants. On the contrary, the Indian fairy tale is almost entirely a sacred story, a myth, but even here its separation from ritual begins, and in it the beginnings of a purely artistic story are visible, which is the modern fairy tale.

Thus, the fairy tale adopted their social and ideological culture from earlier eras. But it would be a mistake to say that the fairy tale is the only successor to religion. Religion as such has also changed and contains relics that are extremely ancient. All ideas about the afterlife and the fate of the dead, which were developed in Egypt, Greece and later in Christianity, arose much earlier. Here one cannot help but point out shamanism, which in the same way adopted many of the prehistoric eras preserved by fairy tales.

If you collect shamanic stories about their rituals, how the shaman went to another world in search of a soul, who helped him, how he crossed, etc., and compare them with the journey or flight of a fairy-tale hero, you will get a correspondence. We have traced this for individual elements, but for the whole there will be a coincidence. This explains the unity of the composition of a myth, a story about an afterlife journey, a shaman's story, a fairy tale, and later - a poem, an epic and a heroic song. With the emergence of feudal culture, elements of folklore became the property of the ruling class, based on

This folklore creates cycles of heroic tales, such as “Tristan and Isolde”, “The Song of the Nibelungs”, etc. In other words, the movement proceeds from the bottom up, and not from the top down, as some theorists claim.

Here a historical explanation is given for a phenomenon that has always been considered difficult to explain, the phenomenon of the worldwide similarity of folklore stories. The similarity is much wider and deeper than it seems to the naked eye. Neither the theory of migration nor the theory of the unity of the human psyche put forward by the anthropological school resolves this problem. The problem is resolved by the historical study of folklore in its connection with the production of material life.

The problem, which remained so difficult, nevertheless turned out to be solvable. But every solved problem immediately raises new problems. The study of folklore can go in two directions: in the direction of studying the similarities of phenomena and in the direction of studying the differences. Folklore, and in particular fairy tales, is not only uniform, but despite its uniformity it is extremely rich and diverse. The study of this diversity, the study of individual plots, seems more difficult than the study of compositional similarity. If the resolution proposed here really turns out to be correct, then it will be possible to begin in a new way the study of individual plots, the problem of their interpretation and their history.

Biography

Born on April 17 (29), 1895 in St. Petersburg in a family of Volga Germans. In 1914–1918 studied Russian and German philology in . Subsequently he taught German at universities in Leningrad.

Since 1932 he taught and conducted scientific work in. In 1937 he became an associate professor, from 1938 - a professor at Leningrad State University, successively in the departments of Romance-Germanic philology, folklore and, until 1969, Russian literature; in 1963-64 served as acting head of the department.

Scientific activity

In his work “Morphology of a Fairy Tale” (Leningrad,), Propp identifies recurring constant elements - the character (31 in total), laying the foundation for a structural-typological study. Propp's work had a significant influence on the development of studies of mythological, folklore, and literary texts.

In his work “Historical Roots of the Fairy Tale” (Leningrad, 2010), Propp develops the hypothesis developed by Sentivo. Propp sees in folk a reminder of totemic rituals. It is quite obvious that the structure of fairy tales has the character of initiation. But the whole problem is to find out whether the fairy tale describes a system of rituals relating to any particular stage of culture, or whether its initiation scenario turns out to be “imaginary”, in the sense that it is not associated with any historical and cultural context , but rather expresses the ahistorical archetypal behavior of the psyche. As an example, Propp refers to totemic initiations; this type of initiation was categorically inaccessible to women, but the main character of Slavic fairy tales turns out to be just a woman: an old witch,. However, he acts as an initiating elder from the point of view of the hypothesis about the ritual origin of the fairy tale. And the initiator, although always a man, had symbolic characteristics of both sexes, or even only female.

In other words, fairy tales do not provide an exact reminder of any specific stage of culture: here various historical cycles and cultural styles mix and collide with each other. Only patterns of behavior that could exist in many cultural cycles and at different historical moments have been preserved here.

The assumption that fairy tales originate from oral traditions told during initiation is confirmed by the similarity of motives and functions of characters in fairy tales of various peoples. In addition, Propp provides ethnographic data showing the process of decomposition of the ancient totemic religion and the transformation of once sacred oral traditions into fairy tales. Considering ethnic groups that have not yet parted with totemism (and do not have fairy tales as such), which are in the process of its decomposition and modern fairy tales of “cultured” peoples, Propp comes to the conclusion about the unity of the origin of the fairy tale.

Bibliography

  • Propp V.Ya. “Folklore and reality” - M.: Nauka, 1989. – 233s.

Literature

  • Unknown V. Ya. Propp. "Tree of Life. Diary of old age. Correspondence" / Preface, compiled by A.N. Martynova; Prepared text, commentary by A.N. Martynova, N.A. Prozorova. - St. Petersburg: Aletheya, 2002. ISBN 5-89329-512-9
  • Warner E. E. “Vladimir Yakovlevich Propp and Russian folklore studies..”, Publishing house: St. Petersburg State University. 2005. ISBN 5-8465-0092-7
  • Vilmos Voigt: Propp, Vladimir Jakovlevich. In: Enzyklopädie des Märchens, volume 10 (2002), 1435-1442.
  • Serena Grazzini: Der strukturalistische Zirkel. Theorien über Mythos und Märchen bei Propp, Lévi-Strauss, Meletinskij. Wiesbaden 1999 (DUV: Literaturwissenschaft).
  • Reinhard Breymayer: Vladimir Jakovlevič Propp (1895-1970) - Leben, Wirken und Bedeutsamkeit. B: Linguistica Biblica 15/16 (1972), 36-77 (67-77 Bibliographie).

Links

  • Olshansky D. The birth of structuralism from the analysis of a fairy tale / Toronto Slavic Quarterly, No. 25
  • Vladimir Propp (1985-1970) / Literary Encyclopedia (2008)
  • Biography of Vladimir Propp in the Gallery of Russian Thinkers (International Society of Philosophers, 2007)

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