Culture, customs and traditions of the peoples of Siberia. Small and large peoples of Siberia

The Russian nation, the largest in Russia, was the unifying force of the unique Eurasian community of peoples. The Russian population of Siberia today is undoubtedly perceived and regarded as a completely special ethnocultural community. Living together with other Siberian ethnic groups led to fairly lively interethnic relationships and mutual influences, and long-term isolation from Russian cultural centers contributed to the preservation of relict elements of traditional culture.

The settlement of Siberia dates back to the 17th century, when service people, foot and horse Cossacks, and peasants arrived here. The old-time Russian population urgently settled and took root in Siberia, which is reflected in the ethnic self-awareness of Siberians: they do not remember their Russian roots (“grandfathers and great-grandfathers originally lived in Siberia”), but consider themselves Russian. Naturally, ethnic processes continued, as a result of which various ethnographic groups of old-timers Siberians were formed and further developed. After the abolition of serfdom and, especially, after the Stolypin reforms, a stream of Russians poured into Siberia, who occupied the chronologically upper level of “rootedness” layer. Their older descendants today make up the second or third generation born in Siberian lands. But, considering themselves Siberians, they remember well that their parents were “Vyatka”, “Kursk”, “Tambov”. Many older people, especially in rural areas, say that the Vyatkas have always been considered skillful and resourceful (“the Vyatkas are grippy guys”), the vociferous Kursks were called “Kursk nightingales”, they said about the clean chaldons “chaldons - scraped porches”... These names are not only accurate, but also ethnographic.

The collection offered to the reader examines the influence of the ideological values ​​of Russian ethnic consciousness on the perception of other ethnic cultures in the era of feudalism and in later times. Much attention is paid to the analysis of specific phenomena of spiritual and material culture of the 17th - early 20th centuries. - calendar and labor customs, rituals, folklore, traditional buildings. The ethnographic specificity of Siberian culture is shown using the example of not only the rural, but also the urban population. For the first time, a significant portion of new, previously unpublished field and archival materials are being introduced into scientific circulation. All data provided is provided with an indication of ethnocultural and regional affiliation, which will allow them to be used in the preparation of generalizing works. How far the authors succeeded in solving the problems they set is for the readers to judge.

Ate. Erokhin

Influence of worldview values

Russian ethnic consciousness on character

perceptions of foreign cultures

Western Siberia:XVII- sir.XIXcenturies

Problems of interethnic interactions attract the attention of many researchers due to the enormous role they played in the history of Siberia. The result of these processes depended on how representatives of the contacting ethnic groups perceived each other. However, it is precisely this aspect of the problem of contacts that until recently did not attract close interest 1 . The current unstable situation forces us to conduct a thorough analysis of the influence of the nature of national psychology on the everyday life of those societies within which representatives of different ethnic cultures closely coexist 2 .

This article examines the image of neighbors - representatives of ethnic groups living in Western Siberia before the appearance of the Russians, in the perception of Russian people. This issue should be approached from the position of ethnic psychology, which asserts that ordinary consciousness, when perceiving foreign cultures, evaluates their properties through the prism of its own ideas about what is “good” or “bad,” “right” or “wrong.” Naturally, in this case, the properties of one’s own culture are taken as a positive standard 3 . Thus, this article is an attempt to answer the question: what properties of Russian ethnic consciousness determined the nature of Russian people’s perception of certain properties of the cultures of the indigenous peoples of Western Siberia?

Another question immediately and inevitably arises: what is the meaning of the concept of “national consciousness”? Without having the opportunity to delve into the essence of a complex problem, we will agree to understand the content of this concept as the ideological core of ideas, acquired in the process of socialization by all members of an ethnic group 4, about what is correct, true, as well as the readiness to act in a certain way in accordance with these ideas 6. The elements (“norms of behavior,” “knowledge,” “concepts”) underlying the ideological core can be defined as the values ​​of ethnic consciousness, which are peculiar clots of collective experience.

Each ethnic system has a unique experience and an original hierarchy of values, which arise both depending on a specific landscape with which a unique ethno-ecological integrity is established 6 and depending on certain historical conditions within which the ethnos develops 7 . All this brings us to the need to analyze national perception from the position of taking into account the historical experience of cultural and economic activity and the ideological values ​​of interacting ethnic cultures.

Before the arrival of the Russians, Western Siberia was inhabited by representatives of the Uralic and Altai language families. The Ural family of peoples was represented by the Samoyed group (Nenets, Enets, Nganasans, Selkups) and the Ugric group (Khanty and Mansi). The Altai family was represented by a Turkic group (Altaians, Shors, Siberian Tatars). By the time the Russians appeared, most of the indigenous peoples of Western Siberia were at the stage of decomposition of the primitive patriarchal society and the formation of feudal relations 8. Progress in social relations among the South Siberian Turks was more significant than among the Ob Ugrians. This difference is apparently explained by the fact that the economy of the Turks was largely of a producing nature, while in the economy of the Ob Ugrians there were elements of an appropriating economy to a greater extent.

The economic activities of the indigenous peoples of Siberia generally did not lead to the transformation of the natural landscape into an anthropogenic one. The Ob Ugrians entered the biocenoses as the upper, final link, adapting to the natural balance, and were interested in its preservation 10. The pastoral activity of the Altai nomads led to a transformation of the landscape, insignificant in quantitative terms and significantly different from the impact on the nature of agricultural peoples 11 . Their type of farming also depended on preserving the environment.

The basis of the ideological core of the indigenous peoples of Siberia was the recognition of their “youngerness” in relation to the surrounding natural world 12 . According to their ideas, all beings of the natural sphere acted in relation to them in

as older relatives 13. This kinship meant that man did not separate himself from nature (just as a clan did not separate itself from the territory it occupied) 14. In this regard, it is noteworthy that when performing a cult they turned to lower deities, the deities of the area, much more often than to the supreme gods 18.

This proves that in the minds of the natives of Siberia, the well-being of the clan was determined by the favor of natural objects, which were personified in the image of the spirit masters of the area. Each Siberian people had a system of their own religious ideas, which were based on similar views (the exception was the Siberian Tatars, who followed the Islamic tradition). In scientific literature, the spiritual tradition of these peoples is usually called shamanistic.

The Russian ethnos was formed in the process of movement, spread and agricultural transformation of the natural landscape. In the tribal associations of the Slavs, according to V.V. Sedov, there were migrations and assimilation of other ethnic groups (Iranian, Finno-Ugric, South Baltic) 16. This is how most ethnic groups arise. However, upon completion of the process of formation of the Old Russian and then Russian ethnic community, the movement and inclusion of foreign ethnic elements into the cultural orbit did not stop, but, on the contrary, turned into an important feature of the ethnic history of Russians 17. As they advanced along the East European Plain, the Russians “flowed around” the ethnic territories of other peoples 18 .

The “spreading” of Russians across territories was possible due to the presence of a large number of reserve lands. The latter circumstance opened up for Russian people “the possibility of moving towards extensiveness” 19, characteristic of the Russian agricultural economy 20.

The settlement of free lands by Russians even on the territory of European Russia had the character of natural settlement. Russian people, predominantly farmers, were looking for fresh, untouched lands. The spaces that the settlers developed turned into agricultural areas 21. Conquest and government colonization, as a rule, went behind natural settlement 22.

The development of Siberia was a continuation of this process, in which not only representatives of the Russian ethnic group were involved, but also Ukrainians and Belarusians. Therefore, in this case, we will conditionally call Russian all representatives of the East Slavic ethnic community who migrated to Siberia from beyond the Urals during the initial period of settlement.

Among the early sources that allow us to judge the Russian perception of the indigenous peoples of Siberia, the most interesting are the Siberian chronicles of the first half of the 17th century. (Pogodinsky chronicler, Description of Siberia, Chronological story). Other archival documents - tribute, "copy" books - are less accessible to historians and ethnographers. The chronicles are interesting for us from the position that the information underlying their creation is of Siberian origin, because borrowed from the stories of the Cossacks - participants in Ermak’s campaigns. Let us note, however, that ethnographic information was not important for the creators of the chronicles. The authors gave the greatest attention to issues of faith or “law.” This is not surprising for people of an era when religion permeated all spheres of worldview. This is how the spiritual views of another people are assessed through the prism of their own religion: “Vogulichs worship soulless idols” 23 , “Bakhmetyev keeps the Tatar law” 24 , “Ostyaks and Samoyeds” “have no law” 26 , “Kalmyk tribes” “live according to false commandments” 28. In general, the author of the Chronological story “On the Victory of the Besermensky King Kuchum” sums up: “although people have a human appearance, they are similar to wild animals in their disposition and way of life, because they do not have a “appropriate” creed 27. In relation to such people, one can be morally justified conquest. Regarding this, the chronicles say: “God sent to atone for the sin of idolatry” 28, “God deigned to entrust the Siberian kingdom to Christians” 29.

At the same time, religious fanaticism was alien to Russian people. During the conquests, the Cossacks made no attempts to Christianize the region. Moreover, when bringing yet another territory into submission to the king, they forced people to swear an oath not on a cross, but on a saber 30 .

National fanaticism was alien to the Russian people: not one of the Siberian peoples who resisted was destroyed. Having exterminated that generation of nobility that opposed the conquest, the tsarist government retained for the descendants of the hanged princes their position in the uluses and did not touch the clan organization 31 .

In the early stages of settlement, marriages of Russian settlers with local women took place. Their children joined the Russian population. In places remote from large centers, where Russian families did not gain numerical dominance, marriages with local women continued at a later time 32.

The conditions in which the settlers found themselves required a special mental and physical make-up (long cold winter, early freezing of rivers and late release of ice, unusual composition of food). At the initial stages of settlement, a strict selection took place, as a result of which a special historical and cultural community emerged within the Russian ethnic group 33. In the scientific literature it is called old-timers and is known for its special type of management, different from European Russia.

The old-timer culture had a unique experience of communicating with the cultures of the indigenous peoples of Siberia, because for a long time she coexisted with them on the same territory. Information about the nature of perception by Russian Siberians of representatives of the indigenous cultures of Siberia is provided by the source of the late 18th century (1783) ""Description of the life and practices of various kinds of yasak infidels living in the Turukhansk and Berezovsky districts." This is the earliest description of the Khanty, Nenets and Yakuts of Turukhansk region. The document is a response to a questionnaire sent to all "districts" of the Tobolsk governorship by the Empress's Cabinet regarding the collection of information regarding the yasaks of Siberia. The answers were given by representatives of the lower echelon of the tsarist administration. This is what the source says: "these people are hospitable and affectionate," " they willingly accept Russians,” “they don’t do any harm,” “they are truthful,” “their appearance is human, they are just any kind of bitch,” animals, not only hunted, but also “thrown out by the sea, rotten, they indiscriminately eat and eat raw” 34 The Russians were perplexed by the fact that local hunters were famous as excellent shooters, and at the same time they themselves often ate stale food. Amazement arose: how with such abundance (the rivers are rich in fish, the forests are rich in precious fur-bearing animals and birds, the abundance of food makes it possible to breed livestock) local residents have not learned to use it 36 ​​?

This was due to a whole range of reasons. It was natural due to the difference in worldviews that developed under the influence of cultural and economic experience, as well as due to the difference in stage of development.

The appearance of Russians in Siberia is the result of the extensive nature of their economy, for which the most favorable conditions existed here 36. Ethnic history and economic practice have equally confirmed that the essence of the ethnic uniqueness of the Russian attitude to the land lies in cultural and economic expansion associated with migrations. A manifestation of this originality in the worldview was the stereotype of a transformer, a master in relation to nature, to the earth, which was approved in religion: “And God said: Let us make man in Our image, according to Our likeness; and let them have dominion over the fish of the sea and the birds of the air, and over the cattle, and over all the earth" 37. The Bible gave the peoples of the Christian tradition the idea of ​​man - “the king of nature, the crown of creation”: “be fruitful and multiply, and fill the earth, and subdue it, and have dominion” 38 .

The transformative capabilities of Russians in Siberia were enhanced due to the fact that the settlers represented a layer of the most enterprising people. They brought with them new, even for Russia, capitalist relations, which received impetus for implementation in Siberia.

The experience of the economic activity of the Russian peasant within the framework of the reproduction of Russian ethnic culture proved that only transformative work guarantees the well-being of both one person and the entire team. And in the conditions of the formation of capitalist relations, the connection between labor and the possibility of enrichment is self-evident for the Russian person. Wealth created by transformative labor is one of the most important attributes of social prestige for the Russian peasant.

In the cultures of the indigenous peoples of Siberia, the value of transformative labor was not as great as in Russian culture. The guarantee of the success of economic activity, and therefore the well-being of the tribal collective, was the preservation of the existing conditions of the natural environment. The prestige of wealth (due to existing social relations) did not have the same significance in the eyes of the carriers of the cultures of the indigenous peoples of Siberia as it did for the Russian people. For them, it lies not only and not so much in wealth, but in other values: luck in the trade, the favor of ancestors, the owners of the area, on whom the prosperity of the clan depended, 39 in military valor, in the large number of offspring. Only in combination with these advantages, perhaps personal qualities, did wealth make a person respected in society 40 .

The significance of wealth in the hierarchy of values ​​of the Russian consciousness and the consciousness of the natives of Siberia was different. This can be illustrated by the following example: for a Russian person, it is self-evident that the fur trade can bring profit and contribute to enrichment. Why don't local residents take advantage of this opportunity? Instead, they cannot even pay their tribute payments on time.

The reason for this lay, in the opinion of the Russian people, in the natural laziness and inactivity of the natives of Siberia 41 .

Of course, one must be aware that the proposed scheme, like any scheme in general, is conditional and limited; in addition to the complex of ideological values ​​and the difference in stage-by-stage development, the nature of perception in the process of contacts was significantly influenced by the class affiliation of the Russian person. For example, a missionary, an official of the tsarist administration and a peasant treated representatives of the ethnic cultures of Siberia differently: for the missionary they are pagans who need to be converted to the true faith; for an official - foreigners, payers of yasak to the state treasury; for the peasant - neighbors, relations with whom depended on the success of joint economic activity (for example, joint participation in fishing or on the degree of benefit in the process of trade exchange).

It should also be noted that Russian ethnic consciousness differentiatedly assessed the properties of the indigenous cultures of Siberia. The attitude of Russian people towards the indigenous peoples of Siberia was not the same in each specific case. In the perception of Russians, one ethnic group was different from another. The difference was due to the nature of the historical relationship of the Russian population with each group of the aboriginal population. So, for example, the attitude towards the Turks of Altai was more cautious than towards other peoples of Siberia, due to the fact that until the 18th century. There was an unstable situation in this region: periods of peaceful, good-neighborly contacts were alternated with breaks and military clashes 42 .

The closest and most neighborly contacts developed between Russians and Siberian Tatars, who were highly valued for their hard work. Under the influence of the Russians, the Tatar population began to engage in agriculture according to the Russian model, 43 although agriculture was known to them before the arrival of the Russians, and switched to a sedentary lifestyle with livestock kept in stalls 44. The Tatars have retained their ethnic specificity, because in spiritual culture they were adherents of the Muslim tradition. The Koran, like the Bible, gives a worldview for the transformation of the surrounding nature. The Koran says that God blessed the human race by making the earth "a carpet and the sky a building" 46 . The closeness of worldviews is apparently also explained by stage proximity. Before the advent of the Russians, the Tatars had their own statehood and developed feudal relations. The Tatar population quickly became involved in the capitalist relations that the Russians brought. For them, as well as for the Russians, wealth was one of the most important attributes of prestige. All these bringing together moments facilitated mutual understanding in Russian-Tatar contacts.

In general, the Russians were friendly towards the natives of Siberia. Cooperation was carried out both at the group and individual levels 46. The most fruitful interaction existed in the field of economic relations: this included trade, and joint ownership or rental of means of production, tools, and land from each other 47 . The Russians passed on farming skills to the natives of Siberia, and they, in turn, shared their experience in fishing activities. Russians, especially in remote areas, borrowed elements of national clothing and methods of preparing traditional cuisine 48 .

Mutual borrowings largely affected material culture. If we talk about the spiritual tradition, here the exchange was carried out mainly at the level of pagan ideas and images, which were actualized among the Russian population due to the weakening of church control 49 .

Russians respected some of the customs of the indigenous peoples of Siberia, such as mutual aid and collective care for the sick and poor. “In the Berezovsky district, unbaptized Ostyaks and self-eating idolaters are virtuous and provide for those who have fallen into poverty” 60. Similar traditions existed within the Russian clan collective (community). Respect for parents and veneration of ancestors in the cultures of the indigenous peoples of Western Siberia were noted in the consciousness of the Russian people. As for any traditional culture, for Russian folk culture the authority of elders and the intrinsic value of the past were the foundations of existence.

However, in general, the Russian consciousness assessed the natives of Siberia as “wild” people 51. This was manifested, in the opinion of the Russian people, in the unusual manner of dressing, in the way of life (“they don’t have decent housekeeping and cleanliness in the houses”) 52, in the custom of eating raw food 63, in the ease of divorce and the possibility of having several wives in some aboriginal cultures of Western Siberia 54. All this, in the perception of the Russians, looked at least “frivolous” 65. It can be said that the religious ideas of the local population were assessed as “frivolous”, because they did not contain, in the opinion of the Russian people, the concept of “man’s duty before the Creator” 56.

The attitude of the Russian population towards representatives of the indigenous peoples of Siberia can be described as lenient. Those manifestations of culture that the Russians found unusual, they explained (and not without reason) by the harsh conditions of the surrounding nature, which left an imprint of “savagery” on the way of life of their neighbors 67 .

This nature of perception is explained by the fact that the Russian consciousness, through the prism of the transformative properties of its own culture, assessed its neighbors, the transformative properties of whose cultures, in comparison with the Russian one, were relatively low. The cultures of the peoples of Western Siberia, following the shamanistic tradition, were focused on maintaining the existing balance with nature. This multidirectionality allows us to draw a conclusion about the extrovertive nature of Russian culture and the introvertive nature of the cultures of the indigenous peoples of Siberia. The value orientations of Russian culture and the cultures of the aborigines of Western Siberia were reflected in worldviews sanctioned by religion. The Bible endowed the Russians (like the Koran - the Tatars) with the stereotype of the Master in relation to surrounding natural objects. For the natives of Siberia, following the shamanistic tradition, the surrounding nature is a valuable thing in itself: its Masters are not people, but the spirits of the area, which is confirmed in mythology 68 . Cultural diversity was complicated by the difference in stage development, which further enhanced the transformative capabilities of Russian culture in Siberia, in comparison with aboriginal cultures.

Notes

1. We have seen increased interest in recent years: Drobizheva L.M. On the study of socio-psychological aspects of national relations (some questions of methodology) // SE - 1974. - N 4; Chesnov Ya.V. Ethnic image // Ethno-sign functions of culture. - M., 1991; Kurilov V.N., Lyutsidarskaya A.A. On the question of the historical psychology of interethnic contacts in Siberia in the 17th century. // Ethnic cultures of Siberia. Problems of evolution and contacts. - Novosibirsk, 1986; Lyutsidarskaya A.A. Russian old-timers of Siberia: historical and ethnographic essays of the 17th - early 18th centuries. - Novosibirsk, 1992.

2. Interethnic relations and national politics in the USSR // All-Union. scientific conf. "National and socio-cultural processes in the USSR": Abstract. report - Omsk, 1990.

3. Bromley Yu.V. Essays on the theory of ethnicity. - M., 1983. - P. 182 -183; Kon I.S. National character - myth or reality? // Foreign literature. -1968. - N 9. - P. 218; Porshnev B.F. Social psychology and history. - M., 196(8. - P. 81 - 82.

4. Ivanov V.V. The role of semiotics in the cybernetic study of man and the collective // ​​Logical structure of scientific knowledge. - M., 1965.

5. Bromley Yu.V. Decree. Op. - P. 170 -171.

6. Gumilev L.N., Ivanov K.P., Chistobaev A.I. Theory of ethnogenesis and geography of population // Ecology, population - resettlement: theory and politics. - M., 1989. - P. 4.

7. Con I.S. Decree. Op. - pp. 218 - 219.

8. Boyarshinova Z.Ya. Population of the West Siberian Plain before the beginning of Russian colonization. - Tomsk, 1960. - P. 37 - 59,113.

9. Cheboksarov N.N., Cheboksarova I.A. Peoples. Races. Cultures. - M., 1985.-S. 191.

10. Gumilev L.N. Ethnogenesis and biosphere of the Earth. - L., 1989. - P. 192.

11. Ibid.

12. Traditional worldview of the Turks of Southern Siberia. Sign and ritual. - Novosibirsk, 1990. - P. 187.

13. Ibid. - P. 50.

14. Ibid. - P. 18.

15. Gemuev I.N., Sagalaev A.M. Mansi sanctuaries as a phenomenon of cultural tradition // Ethnic cultures of Siberia. Problems of evolution and contacts... - P. 132.

16. Sedov V.V. Origin and early history of the Slavs. - M., 1979. -S. 142.

17. Ethnography Eastern Slavs. - M., 1987. - P. 44.

18. Ibid. - P. 57.

19. Berdyaev N.A. The fate of Russia. - M., 1990. - P. 59 - 65.

20. Savitsky P.N. Steppe and Settlement // Russia between Europe and Asia: the Eurasian temptation. - M., 1993. - P. 126 -127.

21. Ibid.-S. 126.

22. Pypin A.N. Russia and Europe // Metamorphoses of Europe. - M., 1993. -S. 120-121.

23. Pogodinsky chronicler // Siberian Chronicles. - Novosibirsk, 1991.

24. Rumyantsevsky chronicler // Siberian Chronicles. - Novosibirsk, 1991.

25. Rumyantsevsky chronicler... - P. 11.

26. Chronographic story // Siberian Chronicles. - Novosibirsk, 1991.-S. 51.

27. Chronographic story... - P. 44 - 45.

28. Pogodinsky chronicler... - P. 69.

29. Chronographic story... - P. 43.

30. Skrynnikov R.G. Siberian expedition of Ermak. - Novosibirsk, 1982. - P. 245.

31. Bakhrushin S.V. Historical destinies of Yakutia // Scientific works. - M.,

1955.-T. 3.-Ch. 2.-S. 37. 32. Russians old-timers of Siberia. Historical and anthropological essay. - M., 1973. - P. 123.

33. Ibid. - P. 165 -166.

34. Andreev A.I. Descriptions of the life and exercises of various kinds of tribute-paying non-believers living in the Turu-Khan and Berezovsky districts // SE. - 1947. - N1. - P. 100.

35. Butsinsky P.N. Baptism of Ostyaks and Voguls under Peter the Great. -Kharkov, 1893. - P. 12.

36. Ethnography Russian peasantry in Siberia XVII - mid. XIX century - M "1981.-P. 203.

37. Bible. Book One of Moses, Genesis. - Ch. 1. - Verse 26.

38. Ibid. - Verse 28.

39. Gemuev I.N., Sagalaev A.M. Decree. Op. - P. 130 -131.

40. Traditional worldview of the Turks of Southern Siberia: Man. Society. - Novosibirsk, 1989. - P. 207 - 208.

41. Butsinsky P.N. Decree. Op. - P. 12.

42. Umansky A.P. Teleuts and Russians in the 17th - 18th centuries. - Novosibirsk 1980. - S. 24 - 31.

43. Satlykova R.K. Cultural and everyday interactions of the population of the Middle Ob region // Ethnocultural processes in Western Siberia - Tomsk 1982. - P. 169.

44. Emelyanov N.F. Tatars of the Tomsk Territory in the feudal era // Ethnocultural history of the population of Western Siberia. - Tomsk, 1978. - P. 80.

45. Koran. Sura 2. - Verse 20.

46. ​​Lyutsidarskaya A.A. Russian old-timers of Siberia... - P. 61.

47. Ibid. - P. 53 - 84.

48. See collections: Social life and culture of the Russian population of Siberia. - Novosibirsk, 1983; Cultural and everyday life processes among the Russians of Siberia in the 18th - early 19th centuries. - Novosibirsk, 1985; Ornament peoples of Western Siberia. - Tomsk, 1992; Populated points of Siberia: experience of historical development (XVII - early XX centuries). - Novosibirsk 1992.

49. Sagalaev A.M. On the patterns of perception of world religions by the Turks of Sayan-Altai // Genesis and evolution of ethnic cultures of Siberia. - Novosibirsk, 1986. - P. 167 -168.

50. Description Tobolsk governorship. - Novosibirsk, 1982. - From 30

51. Ibid. - P. 33.

52. Ibid. - P. 33.

53. Andreev A.I. Decree. Op. - P. 93.

54. Ibid. - P. 97.

55. Description Tobolsk governorship... - P. 29,160, 206.

56. Ibid. - P. 168.

57. Andreev A.I. Decree. Op. - P. 94.

58. Traditional worldview of the Turks of Southern Siberia: Space and time. Real world. - Novosibirsk, 1988. - P. 41, 86 - 98.

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This is a historical and geographical area within the Asian part of Russia, which was inhabited in the Stone Age. Siberia first mentioned in the "Secret History of the Mongols", which speaks of the "forest peoples", including the Shibir or Sibir people. Since the 16th century, Russian explorers have been flocking to Siberia, rapidly exploring the harsh, unexplored regions. The systematic scientific study of Siberia began in 1696 by a decree of Peter I, who ordered the son of Tobolsk boyar Semyon Remezov to compile a geographical atlas of Siberia.

In natural terms, and stands out. Eastern Siberia occupies the territory from the Yenisei to the ridges of the Pacific watershed. The climate of Siberia is mostly harsh, sharply continental. Temperatures in January can drop to -30°, -40°C.

Historically, the ethnic population of Siberia is mixed; the indigenous people call themselves Siberians. Life among the harsh nature has left its mark on the Siberians, “What frightens others in Siberia is not only familiar to us (native Siberians), but also necessary; we breathe easier if there is frost in winter, not drops; we feel peace, not fear in the untouched, wild; immeasurable expanses and mighty rivers have shaped our free, restive soul" - V. Rasputin. A distinctive feature of Siberians is their peacefulness, honesty, goodwill and hospitality. According to the law of the taiga, they are always ready to help; most Siberians, especially hunters and fishermen, in comparison with their European compatriots, have greater endurance and resistance to disease. Siberians also distinguished themselves in the historical battle of Moscow in the Great Patriotic War, showing examples of courage and heroism on the battlefields. Paul Carell in “The History of the German Defeat in the East” considers one of the reasons for the defeat of the Germans near Moscow to be the entry of Siberian divisions into the battle.

Siberian cuisine

For a long time, local Siberians fed on the gifts of the taiga and lake. The prepared dishes did not differ in variety, but were nutritious and practical. Hunters and fishermen know many exotic recipes for cooking over a fire, using hot stones and coals. Siberians smoked, dried and salted the meat and fish they caught, and made supplies for the winter from berries and mushrooms. The combination of fish, game and taiga seasonings distinguish the Siberian table from European cuisine. These differences are more pronounced when eating in Siberia on the shore of a lake, but some dishes can also be tried in a restaurant.

The local highlight of Lake Baikal is the lightly salted Baikal omul, the fame of its delicate taste is known far beyond the borders of Siberia. There are different ways to salt Baikal omul, gutted and ungutted, depending on the cooking recipe and the time that has passed since the day of salting, the taste of the fish changes greatly. Freshly salted Baikal omul is so tender that even those who usually avoid fish eat several tails of it at a time. Among gourmets it is valued as an ideal snack for chilled vodka. Many tourists try to take away Baikal omul as gifts for family and friends.

Siberian dumplings and Siberian-style meat are also widely known. In the old days, hunters Siberia When going to the taiga in winter, they took with them frozen dumplings in canvas bags, which they just had to throw into boiling water, and after they surfaced, a dish with large and fragrant dumplings was ready. In most restaurants you can order dumplings prepared according to a more complex recipe: in bone broth with liver, in pots covered with freshly baked flatbread. Fried dumplings are also very tasty.

A special feature of cooking meat in the Siberian and taiga style are taiga seasonings made from fern and wild garlic, which are rolled into the meat. The meat is served with oven-baked potatoes and frozen berries, usually lingonberries or cranberries. Hunters in Siberia, according to one of the recipes, cut wild meat into thin long pieces, sprinkle it with salt, mix it in a pot and string it on wooden splinters or branches. Sticks of meat are stuck around the coals of the fire and dried in the smoke. Meat prepared in this way can be stored for a long time in the summer. While moving, it is good to gnaw on slices of meat to maintain strength and restore the lack of salts in the body.

The home cooking of Siberians is very different from restaurant menus. As a rule, a lot of pickles are prepared at home for the winter. If you visit Siberians, the table will definitely have tomatoes in their own juice, cucumbers, cabbage, salted milk mushrooms and saffron milk caps, pickled boletus, homemade zucchini caviar, and taiga berry jam. Sauerkraut is sometimes prepared together with lingonberries or cranberries. Less commonly you can find a salad made from fern and wild garlic.

And, of course, a table is unthinkable without homemade pies. They can be of the most intricate shapes and with various fillings: with lingonberries, fish, wild garlic, rice, mushrooms and eggs.

Traditionally, lingonberry drink or fruit drink is placed on the table. Add frozen sea buckthorn or lingonberries to tea.

Buryat food, as a rule, is easy to prepare and nutritious; meat and dairy dishes predominate. Popular in, especially widespread in, Buryat poses. To prepare them, minced minced meat is made from pork, lamb, and beef. The minced meat is rolled into the dough so that there is a hole at the top for steam. The poses are quickly prepared by steaming boiling fat in a covered pan. Rarely, you can still find in villages tarasun - an alcoholic tonic drink made from milk, which has a specific smell, and salamat - a dairy product prepared from high-quality sour cream over a fire with the addition of salt, flour and cold water when boiling.

Authentic Baikal fish soup with smoke, grilled fish, and fresh wild garlic salad can only be truly appreciated by a taiga fire during a trip to Lake Baikal. An exotic Baikal-style dinner includes a weak firelight, several old newspapers on which a simple table is set, a blackened pot with boiled potatoes, a bunch of wild garlic and lots and lots of lightly salted omul.

And such exotic things as stroganina (raw frozen roe deer meat) or raskolok (raw frozen Baikal fish), which are eaten raw with spices, can only be tasted in winter on the lake Baikal while hunting or fishing. You should avoid trying bear meat, even heat-treated, unless it has been veterinary examined.

The local population values ​​salted omul most of all. In the summer, they prefer omul on rods.

Siberian bath

From the Tale of Bygone Years, 12th century - “I saw an amazing thing in the Slavic land on my way here. I saw wooden bathhouses, and they would burn them red hot, and they would undress, and they would be naked, and they would douse themselves with leather kvass, and they would lift up young rods on themselves, and They beat themselves, and they finish themselves off so much that they barely come out alive, and they douse themselves with cold water, and that’s the only way they will come to life. And they do this every day, not tormented by anyone, but they torture themselves, and then they perform ablution for themselves, and not torture ".

The Baikal bathhouse on the shore of Lake Baikal is a must-have exotic attribute for those who come to Lake Baikal. Many are tempted by the opportunity to plunge into the clear, icy water of Lake Baikal, running straight out of the steam room. Where else in the world do baths have such a huge natural pool! Particularly strong impressions remain from swimming after a steam room on Lake Baikal in an ice hole in winter. Most of the existing bathhouses on the coast of Lake Baikal are heated in white, but in the old days many of them were heated in black, i.e. the smoke remained inside the bathhouse, saturating the air with heat and smell.

If you go to a bathhouse with Siberians, get ready for intense heat, a steam room with a birch broom and mandatory periodic swimming in the icy water of Lake Baikal or in the snow.

Siberian customs

The customs and traditions of Siberians are rooted in the cultural heritage of ancient peoples who in the past inhabited the territory of modern Lake Baikal. Some of the customs are, in fact, echoes of ancient shamanic and Buddhist rituals, the religious content and purpose of which were lost over time, but certain ritual actions are observed and still exist among the local population.

Many beliefs and prohibitions have common roots of Central Asian origin, and therefore are the same among the Mongols and Buryats. These include the developed cult of obo, the cult of mountains, and the worship of the Eternal Blue Sky (Huhe Munhe Tengri). Heaven, according to the Mongols, sees all the actions and thoughts of a person who can never hide from heavenly justice: that is why the Mongols, feeling right, exclaimed: “Heaven, you be the judge.” You must stop near the obo and respectfully present gifts to the spirits. If you don’t stop at the obo and don’t make a sacrifice, there will be no luck. According to Buryat belief, every mountain and valley has its own spirit. A person without spirits is nothing. It is necessary to appease the spirits that are everywhere so that they do not harm and provide assistance. The Buryats have a custom of “sprinkling” the spirits of the area. As a rule, before drinking alcohol, drop a little drop of alcohol onto the table from a glass or with one finger, usually the ring finger, lightly touch the alcohol and splash upwards. Accept that you will have to stop and “splash” alcohol in the most unexpected places during your trip.

Among the main traditions is the sacred veneration of nature; one must not harm nature, catch or kill young birds, cut down young trees near springs, or unnecessarily tear up plants and flowers. You cannot throw garbage or spit into the sacred waters of the lake. Baikal, leave behind traces of presence, for example, overturned turf, garbage, fire. Near the Arshan water source you cannot wash dirty clothes, you cannot break them, dig them up, touch the serge - hitching post, or light a fire nearby. One should not desecrate a sacred place with bad actions, thoughts or words, one should not shout loudly or get very drunk.

Particular respect must be shown to elders; one must not offend the elderly. Offending elders is the same sin as depriving a living creature of life.

The ancient customs of the Siberians have preserved their respectful attitude towards the fire of their hearth. Fire is credited with a magical cleansing effect; cleansing by fire was considered a necessary ritual so that guests would not create or bring any evil. There is a known case from the history of Siberia when the Mongols mercilessly executed Russian ambassadors simply for refusing to pass between two fires in front of the khan’s headquarters; purification by fire is still widely used today in Siberian shamanic practices. You must not thrust a knife into the fire, or touch the fire in any way with a knife or sharp object, or remove meat from the cauldron with a knife. It is considered a great sin to splash milk into the fire of the hearth; you cannot throw garbage or rags into the fire of the hearth. It is forbidden to give fire from the hearth to another house or yurt.

There are certain rules when visiting Buryat yurts. When entering, you cannot step on the threshold of the yurt - this is considered impolite; in the old days, a guest who deliberately stepped on the threshold was considered an enemy, announcing his evil intentions to the owner. Weapons and luggage, as a sign of your good intentions, must be left outside; you cannot enter the yurt with any burden; it is believed that the person who did this has the bad inclinations of a thief, a robber. The northern half of the yurt is more honorable; guests are received here; you cannot sit down without permission, without an invitation, on the northern, honorable side. The eastern half of the yurt (usually to the right of the door, the entrance of the yurt is always facing south) is female, the western half (usually to the left of the door) is male, this division continues to this day.

The local population is hospitable and always treats its guests when they come to the house, it is customary to take off their shoes at the doorstep. Usually a table is set for guests with hot dishes, a variety of pickles and snacks, and vodka will be present on the table. During a feast, guests do not have the right to change their places, you cannot leave without trying the hosts' treats. When bringing tea to the guest, the hostess gives the bowl with both hands as a sign of respect, the guest must also accept it with both hands - by this he shows respect for the house. In Mongolia, there is a custom of using the right hand; during the greeting ceremony, the bowl is passed only with the right hand. And naturally, you need to accept any offering with your right hand or both hands.

To emphasize special respect, as a sign of greeting, the guest is presented with two hands folded with palms, as in a Buddhist bow; shaking hands in this case is also done with both hands simultaneously.

When visiting Buddhist datsans, you need to move clockwise inside the temple and before visiting, walk around the temple area in the direction of the sun, rotating all the prayer wheels. You cannot go into the center of the temple during services and take photographs without permission. Inside the temple, you should avoid moving and fussy activities, talk loudly, and you should not enter the temple in shorts.

At tailagans, or shamanic rituals, one should not try to touch shamanic clothing, a tambourine, and especially not to put on any of the shamanic attributes on oneself in order to take a photo. Even a shaman will rarely put on something belonging to someone else’s shaman, and if he does so, it is only after an appropriate cleansing ritual. There is a belief that certain objects, especially those associated with magic, carry a certain amount of power. It is strictly forbidden for an ordinary person to say out loud shamanic prayers - durdalga - for the sake of entertainment.

And Ulan-Ude organizes various tours around Siberia and Lake Baikal.

Chapter:
Siberian cuisine, Siberian traditions
18th page

The minds of Russians will grow in Siberia.
The fertile lands and pure ecology of Siberia are optimal for special settlements, hard labor and camps, which in every possible way contribute to the enlightenment and strengthening of Russian minds.

In the conditions of monotony, orderliness of peasant life and remoteness from the central regions, a wedding (and similar events) turned into a bright theatrical performance, a dramatized ritual crowning the most important choice in the lives of young people.

The ritual of the Russian wedding, born in ancient times, was brought to Siberia, but while maintaining the main plot and structural components, it underwent certain changes.

Young people in Siberia, freer in spirit and morals, had the opportunity to freely choose a life partner. The most important condition for creating a family was economic feasibility. Researchers noted that, according to documents from the 18th - early 19th centuries, brides were often older than grooms: the family tried to “get” a worker into the house, first of all.

In the Yenisei province, the custom of formal bride abduction was widespread in a number of places. M. F. Krivoshapkin, describing this custom, notes that, having agreed by consent, the groom “kidnapped” the bride. At the same time, the bride’s mother asked: “How can you look people in the eyes? I'm giving my daughter away to someone else's house. Give it with your own hands, or what? Is her life worse with us? After the “kidnapping,” however, the bride returned (the ritual was observed), and then the matchmaking ritual began.

The matchmaker, on behalf of the groom, went to match the bride. On the first step of the porch she said: “As my foot stands firmly and firmly, so will my word stand firmly and firmly. So that what I think comes true.” We stood on the step with only our right foot. The matchmaker could also make a match.

Having gone into the hut, the matchmaker sat down under the mother, on a bench. “If you don’t sit under a mother, there will be no connection in the new family,” they said in Siberia. Matitsa knits the house, and the bench must be longitudinal, and not transverse to the mat, otherwise life will go sideways!

The matchmaker first started a conversation “about nothing,” and then said: “I came to you not to feast, not to eat, but with a good deed, with matchmaking!

You have a bride, and I have a groom. Let’s start establishing a relationship!” The father sent the mother outside the fence to the bride's house - it was a girl's business. The bride in Siberia was free to choose and could refuse. In this case, the father said: “She’s young, she wants to be among the girls, to work for her father and mother, to accumulate intelligence.” Or he could say: “Wait until the end (i.e. in a year).” If they agreed, the bride's scarf was given to the matchmaker. All the “negotiations” were conducted by the bride’s father.

Then a special day of shaking hands was appointed. On this day, the father, mother of the groom and the matchmaker went to the bride’s house to “make sure” that the bride was exactly what their son needed, and sealed the important event with a handshake. This was an ancient custom of the people “together” a serious matter.

The fathers shook hands. “God bless you, in good time.” We prayed. The father blessed the bride. Then they drank a glass of “traveling”, and the bride and her friends spent the night “sobbing and lamenting” - they sang songs “with reproaches and tears” for “being given to someone else’s house.”

At the viewing, a day later, the bride and groom met “for the first time.” Relatives and godparents were here, inviting: “We ask you to talk.” There is wine and delicacies on the table. “Here, look at our groom, and show us your bride,” said the godmother. The bride and groom stood on the same floor, arm in arm, the groom was closer to the images, and the bride was closer to the door, then the betrothal took place with a kiss, and the rings were exchanged.

The ritual with the scarf was important, when the bride, groom, and their fathers took hold of the four corners of the scarf, and then the bride and groom intertwined the corners and kissed. After this, everyone sat down at the tables; treats and delicacies were passed around to everyone - in return the guests put money. The groom gave a gift to the bride on a plate, which she accepted with a kiss.

The bride saw off the groom on the porch of the house. Everyone was leaving. The young people stayed with the bride, then the groom returned alone, and the fun began: songs, games, treats. The songs this time were sung more cheerfully. They include reconciliation with a new life, a description of the future life of the bride in the groom's house, etc. The fun continues until late.

The next stage was the party, or “bachelorette party.” On this day, the bride and her friends went to the bathhouse, and they unbraided her hair. The tears began again. In the bathhouse, the bride was covered with a scarf, then dressed up and taken into the house.

A dressed-up groom arrived with a whole retinue of friends on a decorated carriage. He is triumphant! One of the bride’s relatives, “zvatai,” invites everyone into the house. The matchmaker enters, then the groom, then everyone else. After the invitation, they sit down at the tables: they sing songs until late, treat themselves, communicate, talk about the wedding...

After the handshake and before the wedding, wedding officials were appointed. The ritual involved the following: for the bride and groom, a blessed father and mother (godparents), on the bride’s side - two matchmakers, one bed-maid (most often she was a midwife), one seller of the braid, one “zaobnik” (a boy with an “image” icon) ) and two boyars. On the groom's side - one thousand, one groomsman (an expert in all rituals, wedding manager), one girlfriend, two matchmakers, four boyars.

The wedding ritual ends with the wedding day. The action continues on this day from sunrise until “after midnight”. The groom's groomsman is all dressed up: he has a festive embroidered towel over his shoulder, an elegant belt with handkerchiefs hanging on it, and a whip in his hands. He visits his bride early in the morning. "How did you sleep? How is your health?" - copes on behalf of the groom.

On his second visit, the groom brings gifts from the groom, “Our prince ordered me to give them,” he says. They usually gave: colored scarves, a sable fur coat, a wedding outfit, a stand mirror, etc. “Should I invite the prince to the red porch?” - asking a friend and the conversation was about further actions that day.

The bride's younger brother brings a dowry: a feather bed, pillows, a blanket, a canopy, various sewn and woven items in a chest. He travels with an icon and a candle. With him on the sleigh sits a “dowry”, a bed midwife. She goes to prepare the wedding bed in the basement or other place. Treats and mutual gifts of handkerchiefs follow.

And in the bride's house there is festive excitement. The bride is being prepared for the wedding; she gets dressed in front of the mirror, sobbing, and “says goodbye” to her friends. Then everyone sits down at the table. Next to the bride is her younger brother, a braid seller. The groom has already been notified that the bride's house is ready.

Having passed through all the streets of the village, the wedding train-procession arrives at the bride’s house. There are traditional exclamations: “Is this the right house”, “Open the gates!” But this is only for payment: you need to pay “golden hryvnia” for the key to the gate. They enter the yard. Here the matchmakers exchange beer and then the ritual of entering “into the house, into the chambers” follows.

The bride’s younger brother needs to “put a gold hryvnia on a tray, and buy the bride’s braid back for the Russian.” He hits the whip - “Not enough!”, demands more money. Finally, the “kosnik” is satisfied with the amount received. The matchmaker lightly undoes the bride's braid.

Everyone sits down at the table together. There are all kinds of food on it. The bride and groom do not have the right to drink at the wedding: they sip the wine lightly. Three courses follow. A goose is placed in front of the bride's parents, which according to the ritual they must eat together. The goose symbolized the moral purity and purity of the bride.

There is mutual giving of gifts with jokes and toasts to the newlyweds. Finally they are getting ready to go to church. The bride's parents bless the newlyweds. Three deep bows follow. Everyone sits down in the sleigh. Ahead of the train, a boy - a “character” - holds the Blessed Image in his hands.

The friend holds his hand and with a “sentence” circles the train three times, and the procession sets off towards the temple. Fun, songs, jokes! According to tradition, everyone’s heads are not covered with hats. Horses and sleigh arches are decorated with ribbons, bells, and shufflers. Guns are being fired all around. People they meet congratulate the newlyweds.

In the church, “the sacrament of illuminating the marriage and prayer for her well-being,” according to the Orthodox rite, was supplemented by a purely Siberian custom when a scarf was spread on the floor of the temple and the newlyweds stood on it, the groom with his right foot, and the bride with her left. At the same time, it was considered a happy belief that if a bride squeezes a crust of bread in her left hand during the wedding, it means that life will pass in contentment.

Next, the wedding moves to the groom's house. They drive up to the house, and the friend loudly announces: “Our newlywed prince has arrived, with the young princess and the whole regiment, by honest train to the wide courtyard. He ordered it to be announced that he stood at the golden crown and received the Law of God on his head! Please greet me with joy!”

They greet you with bread and salt, pray, and sit down at the table. The wedding feast begins. The first glass of wine is poured to the groom, who passes it to his father. “Well, son, on your legal marriage,” the father congratulates. For the bride and groom, one plate is placed for two. The guests eat, drink, the newlyweds are congratulated, treats and the best dishes are continuously served.

Showing off your culinary skills was considered a matter of honor. After the third course, the young people were taken out from the table. This was followed by the ritual of braiding. The bride was covered with a scarf, and the matchmakers of the bride and groom, unraveling the girl’s braid with songs, braided it into two, laid them on her head in a new form, then put a kokoshnik or povoinichek on her head. All the guests present picked up the song about the braid. Full glasses were poured for the parents, and they once again congratulated the “children on their legal marriage” and blessed them for the “basement.”

The midwife-bed ceremonially opened the room, the first to enter was the “zazabnik” with an icon, followed by the matchmakers and the young ones. The young people were left behind - the friend was the last to leave, taking away the candles. And in the room the “feast on the mountain” continued with jokes, jokes, songs...

In the morning, the entire train from yesterday, all the guests, were going to the young husband’s house. The young people were sent to the bathhouse, then they were dressed, and then there was a presentation to their parents. The bride showed her sewing to her husband's parents, and the mother-in-law meticulously assessed the craftsmanship. Then the young people went to the house of their father-in-law and mother-in-law and invited them to a feast.

By lunchtime, all the guests were finally gathered. Everyone took their places. Her and his parents, godparents, and relatives sat in a place of honor, and the young woman catered to them, looked after them, set and served the tables, and tried to show what a nimble housewife she was. Often there were comic “tests” of the groom’s skill, for example: carving a wedge on a stone or placing an ax on an ax handle.

The feast continued until night and often - it lasted more than one day. It continued without any special ritual. But the groomsmen and friends of the newlyweds made impromptu additions, pranks, jokes: it was not for nothing that the wedding was considered a whole performance. Have fun, people!

Weddings often overlapped one another, took turns, and the entire village spent almost a significant part of the winter time, resting from the labors of the righteous, and became a participant in the wedding ceremony, a vibrant amateur folk event.

According to descriptions, in Siberia it was customary to accompany the birth of a baby with certain rituals. When a newborn was washed, silver money was placed in the water, which the midwife then took for herself.

In contrast to “Russian” customs (“to protect the child from harm”), all relatives, parents, and close friends were notified of the birth: they came and came to visit the parent, and each presented the newborn with silver money, which was placed under the pillow of the mother of the child or newborn .

If health permitted, the parent was certainly taken to the bathhouse every other day. Siberians used to say: “Banka is a second mother.” After the bath, they drank a brew of berries, weak beer with raisins, prunes, and ginger. The mother was fed whole millet porridge with raisins.

Ethnographers noted that in Siberia, infants were rarely fed with mother's milk for a long time; more often, after 3-4 months they began to be fed with cow's milk. Milk was given to the baby by pouring it into a bottle. The baby grew up, rocking in a cradle - a “wobbly” woven from pine shingles on a bird cherry handle.

The shaky thing was suspended on a leather strap from a flexible “ochep” - a birch pole threaded through the ceiling ring. The shaky top was covered with a special cape - a “tent”. She was that “small world” from which the baby stepped into life...

An ancient pagan ritual was performed on the ninth birthday of a child throughout Russia. In Siberia it was like this: they brought a mug of clean water into which silver money was first placed overnight. The mother poured water onto the grandmother-midwife’s hands three times, and she poured water back onto her. Then the midwife was given 15-20 rubles. money, several pounds of good butter and a pound of tea, and several yards of linen or linen.

This ritual was supposed to symbolize the transfer of responsibility for the future life of the baby from the midwife to the mother. At the same time, water performed a cleansing function and symbolized the intermediate stage of the baby’s arrival into this world.

The great sacrament of baptism was for Russian people the most important condition for communion with God, with the Kingdom of God.

“Unless one is born of water and the Spirit, he cannot enter the kingdom of God. That which is born of the flesh is flesh, and that which is born of the Spirit is spirit. ...you must be born again.”

According to Christian tradition, at baptism the child was named after a saint, who became his heavenly intercessor and patron. The baptism of a child was carried out according to the faith of the successors, who became the spiritual parents of the baptized person.

Relatives, close friends of the family, and always the “sworn parents” (godfather and godfather), and the midwife gathered for the christening. The table was always covered with a white tablecloth, and bread and salt were placed on it. A fur coat was laid on the bench under the icons, fur side up, and the baby was laid down. Then the midwife took it and handed it over to the godfather, then everyone went to the church to perform the baptismal ceremony.

At the end of the generally accepted Orthodox rite of baptism in Russia, the fur coat ritual was repeated. The godmother took the child from the fur coat and handed it to his own mother with the words: “The name is (name). Happy Angel Day to you (name), with new happiness. God grant you good health for many years to come, and you and your son (daughter) with joy now.” After the general prayer, the parents invited them to “treat themselves.” Everyone congratulates each other: the father on the “heir”, the godfather on the “godson”, the uncle on the “nephew”, the parents on the son, the grandmother on the grandson.

For “christenings” they prepared porridge from “Sarochinsky” millet, cooked in milk, and on fasting days in water. Sugar was sprinkled on top of the porridge. Everyone who gathered for the christening was served wine, and then porridge. That’s why there was a saying in Siberia: “I ate porridge at his christening.”

For the midwife, who was considered a particularly honored guest, some silver money was placed on the porridge. Kuma and godfather were given towels and linen. If the child was the first in the family (“first-born”), then often, making fun of the baby’s father, they tried to slip him a spoonful of porridge with salt and pepper. At the same time, they said that the father should share the mother’s suffering.

It also happened that my grandmother deliberately doused her apron with wine; I believe that my grandson will start walking faster.

A person’s life journey ends with death... Siberians treated it with respect, wisdom and calm. To die with dignity in old age meant the same thing as to live one’s life “in the honor” of society.

The greatest blessing was to die without suffering yourself and without causing trouble and suffering to your family and friends. Usually, when entering old age, people prepared in advance the material for the coffin domina; it was considered quite natural if the peasant himself, lovingly and carefully, made his domina. And then it stood on the barn or under the roof of a barn “on demand” for many years.

As elsewhere in Rus', a deceased person with a “sinful body” was washed and dressed in clean, preferably new, clothes. Washing the deceased was considered a cleansing rite. Under no circumstances should relatives perform ablution. In Siberia, it was customary for “mortal” items to be made only from canvas and not to be purchased.

The house with the deceased was placed in the upper room, in the front corner, on a bench or table, decorated with linen, muslin or carpet. The deceased had to lie with his head towards the “goddess”. The floor was covered with spruce or, more often, fir “legs” - twigs. Children, grandchildren, and relatives of the deceased certainly sat near the body. The ritual of washing, farewell, was accompanied by lamentations, lamentations, sobs, crying, and sentences. If there were girls in the family of the deceased, they let their hair down over their shoulders and tied a black scarf around their heads.

In the traditional funeral rites of old Siberia, ancient tales occupied an important place. A sad lamentation song served as a means of psychological release in terrible grief.

Since ancient times, the long, long lamentations of inconsolable widows and mothers of relatives have evolved into farewell chants: sorrowful, solemn and stern, touching the soul. A cry once heard is remembered for a lifetime...

Mother's cry for her dead daughter:

Oh, you are my daughter!
Oh, yes you are my dear!
Where are you my beauty?
Where did you go little bird?
Why are you offended at me?
Why are you angry?
Oh, why did you leave me,
I'm a sad orphan.
Who will I go to now?
Who will I tell my sadness to?
Oh, yes, you are my daughter...

From crying for her dead husband:

To whom have you left us, our clear falcon?
You fly away from us to a distant place, you don’t know anything,
Don’t you feel how bitterly we are dying here in tears!
You won’t come back to us to the bitter sorrows, you won’t look again
for our miserable life.
You won’t come to feasts and chats anymore,
you won’t look anymore at your fields, at your spikelets, at your
for cattle for orphans,
You won’t go into your warm hut anymore...
You chose a cold nest for yourself...
...We are about to have invited guests,
guests are invited, it is not for joy that they will gather to us,
but for tears, and for lamentations, all our relatives, all our acquaintances...

(Lamentations recorded by M.V. Krasnozhenova at the beginning of the twentieth century.)

In the Yenisei province there were a number of generally accepted ritual actions at funerals. Many old women bequeathed to be buried in their wedding dresses. The deceased’s shoes were called “kalishki” or “bosoviki” and were made from 2-3 layers of thick white canvas. The deceased was buried wearing a belt.

A small piece of white cloth was attached to the outer corner of the house of the deceased immediately after death so that “the soul could fly to the house in 40 days and wipe away its tears.” Under no circumstances should the deceased's nails or hair be cut. After the funeral, the clothes of the deceased were distributed to friends and relatives. New dresses were also bought and given as gifts for commemoration.

Everyone, acquaintances and strangers, visited the deceased; even distant relatives always came from the surrounding villages. Everyone expressed feelings of compassion, condolences to loved ones, and observed traditional decency. Contemporaries noted that in Siberia many strangers, strangers come to say goodbye, they come to “see how he is dressed, what kind of brocade he is covered with, whether his relatives are crying.”

Anyone entering the house was given a glass of vodka or a glass of tea. For the entire three days while the deceased lay at home, the gates were always left open. Several people served the visitors, helped them undress, served tea from morning to evening, heated the samovar, and one of them gave alms to the beggars.

In Siberia, it was customary to place an icon not on the chest of the deceased, but in the head. The deceased was covered with linen or brocade. A cup of water must be placed on a table or shelf at the head of the room. “So that the soul can wash itself,” said knowledgeable people. The candle was placed in a vessel with grain. Tow and broom leaves were placed in the coffin.

The deceased was buried on the third day. “Knittings” from the hands and feet of the deceased were placed in the coffin on the left side. The coffin was carried out of the house in the hands, and the person especially honored was carried in the hands to the “graves”. After removing the body, they immediately turned the bench over, and in the front corner, where the deceased lay, they placed a stone - “serovik”, they believed - “there will be no more deceased in this house in the near future.” The stone lay there for 6 weeks. Immediately after the body was removed, the floors in the house were washed, and the gates of the house were immediately closed.

The procession to the “graves” was built in a certain way: a man with an icon walked in front, followed by a priest, then they carried a lid covered with a carpet, then a coffin lined with velvet or satin (red fabric). If condition permitted, the coffin was covered with brocade. It should be noted that in European Russia, unlike Siberia, the coffin was usually not lined with fabric.

The deceased was buried in the church and then carried to the cemetery. The coffin was lowered into the grave on a canvas, which was then shared by the visiting beggar. According to an ancient semi-pagan rite in Siberia, the priest-father was the first to throw a handful of earth onto the lid of the coffin, then everyone who came to the cemetery threw three handfuls: “The Kingdom of Heaven; rest in peace". According to custom, a canvas towel was tied to the cross.

At the end of the burial ceremony, they served a memorial service, distributed alms to the poor, presented everyone with handkerchiefs or towels and returned home.

Siberians considered it the greatest “sin” to speak “badly” about the deceased.

The commemoration began with kutya or honey. Then food was served “in abundance.” There were many different dishes, but pancakes were a must. If the deceased was buried on a “fast day,” then cold fish, fish jelly, stew, yarn cakes, porridge and various jelly were served.

On the “fast days” they served cold meat, meat jelly, fish jelly, a variety of porridges and jelly, and milk. The wake was always accompanied by a variety of porridges served. Before each change of dishes, they prayed to God and wished the deceased “the Kingdom of God.” Serving jelly, often with cream, meant the end of a “hot lunch”

Ethnographers note that nowhere else in Russia did there exist a ritual of visiting a cemetery on the second day. On the second day, Siberians always went to the “graves,” and only close relatives. “Nothing, the most amazing thing, will keep them from going to the grave: not pouring rain, not a blizzard, not severe frost.” This ritual continues to this day...

According to the Orthodox rite, persons who deliberately took their own lives, or suicides, were deprived of a church funeral service and even burial in a common cemetery. This was considered the greatest sin. These included the dead participants in the “robbery” - criminals.

Those who attended the “hot lunch” bowed to the deceased 1-2 times a day for six weeks. In the homes of many wealthy peasants, all visiting beggars were fed for 40 days after the funeral of a loved one.

On the 9th day, only close relatives commemorated the deceased, and on the 40th day a “dinner party” was held. In many villages on the Angara, it was customary to commemorate on the 6th, 9th, 20th, and 40th days. Everywhere in Siberia they commemorated him on his name day and on the anniversary of his death. For a year, close relatives wore mourning.

On the anniversary of the death, traditional changes of dishes were also served: cold fish, fish jelly, wheat kutya, bird cherry kutya, fish pie, pancakes, pryazhenka, jelly. All ritual porridges, both on funeral days and on other occasions, were prepared from whole, unground grains.

The week following Easter week was one of the most important in the ritual cycle for the Siberian old-timers. On Tuesday of St. Thomas' week we celebrated Parents' Day. The Siberians called him “Ikhna parent Paska.”

On the eve of “parents' Easter” everyone had to wash themselves in the bathhouse, despite the fact that it was Monday. In the evening, after all family members had washed, a certain set of linen, things, and soap were brought to the bathhouse for their deceased ancestors. They set up the gang, poured water in, laid out things on the benches and left, leaving the door slightly open. No one alive had the right to go there after that; it was considered the greatest sin. And so that the souls of their ancestors could wash themselves in their baths, the cemetery gates were opened on Monday evening (on other days they remained closed).

On Parents' Day we got up before dawn. Relatives went to the church with kutya, where a memorial service was served and the dead were remembered, others stayed at home and prepared a hearty dinner.

After the church service, the Siberians visited the “graves”. Dressed in fine clothes, all the inhabitants of the village came together, commemorated the dead with kutia, eggs, pancakes, and snacks. “On this day, at the graves, old-timers “share Christ” with their parents: they put out a kutya, painted eggs, they commemorate with wine, then they invite their loved ones, neighbors, and fellow villagers to commemorate.

Many people take a samovar to graves. Many bring wine”: they drink it themselves and treat their “parents”, pouring wine from a glass onto the grave. They sit sedately, remember and leave,” he wrote about this ritual at the end of the 19th century. ethnographer V.S. Arefiev.

Upon returning from the cemetery, the peasants set tables at home, set out abundant dishes, poured wine into several glasses and covered them with pieces of bread. Then the window was opened, a towel was hung through the window sill onto the street - a “path” for the souls of deceased ancestors.

All relatives and invitees left the room and went out into the front hut or into the courtyard, after praying and bowing in the front corner in front of the icon. Old-timers believed that the souls of deceased ancestors feasted at this time and communicated at the laid table. It was believed that richly laid tables brought them joy and showed the degree of respect and veneration of their ancestors by the living

After some time had passed, everyone returned to the tables and began the funeral dinner with prayer.

Not only on “Parents' Easter,” but also every day, the old-timer turned to his ancestors for advice, mentally talked with them about matters and problems; in the minds of the ancestors remained part of this world.

Also see section:

Bogatyrsky feast
RUSSIAN KITCHEN
Traditional Russian dishes
Many of these dishes will become a true decoration of any festive banquet table.
Advice for kitchen guys (i.e. cooks)

Our ancestors did not eat soon,
It didn't take long to move around
Ladles, silver bowls
With boiling beer and wine.
They poured joy into my heart,
Foam hissed around the edges,
It is important that the teacups wore them
And they bowed low to the guests.
A.S. Pushkin

FROM THE HISTORY. Once upon a time, Russians ate leisurely, with breaks, for lunch:
- first roast(modern second),
- then ear(various liquid dishes, soups),
- and finally snacks(sweet desserts).
From the point of view of modern dietetics, this order of meals is optimal, with breaks between them of 10-15 minutes.
A leisurely meal with breaks between courses is shown those who want to lose weight .
At the turn of the 17th-18th centuries, nobles who came to Russia introduced the customs of European cuisine, and the order of dishes served for lunch changed to modern ones.
From the beginning of the 18th century, the Russian monarchy required more and more intense service from its subjects, and therefore it became inappropriate for service people and serf slaves to “corrode” for a long time at the table. The pace of the meal became continuous, without the previously traditional breaks between courses.

COLD DISHES AND SNACKS

EAR. SOUPS

Features of the peoples of Siberia

In addition to anthropological and linguistic features, the peoples of Siberia have a number of specific, traditionally stable cultural and economic characteristics that characterize the historical and ethnographic diversity of Siberia. In cultural and economic terms, the territory of Siberia can be divided into two large historical regions: the southern region - the region of ancient cattle breeding and agriculture; and the northern one – the area of ​​commercial hunting and fishing. The boundaries of these areas do not coincide with the boundaries of landscape zones. Stable economic and cultural types of Siberia developed in ancient times as a result of historical and cultural processes that were different in time and nature, occurring in conditions of a homogeneous natural and economic environment and under the influence of external foreign cultural traditions.

By the 17th century Among the indigenous population of Siberia, according to the predominant type of economic activity, the following economic and cultural types have developed: 1) foot hunters and fishermen of the taiga zone and forest-tundra; 2) sedentary fishermen in the basins of large and small rivers and lakes; 3) sedentary hunters of sea animals on the coast of the Arctic seas; 4) nomadic taiga reindeer herders-hunters and fishermen; 5) nomadic reindeer herders of the tundra and forest-tundra; 6) cattle breeders of steppes and forest-steppes.

In the past, foot hunters and fishermen of the taiga mainly included some groups of foot Evenks, Orochs, Udeges, separate groups of Yukaghirs, Kets, Selkups, partly Khanty and Mansi, Shors. For these peoples, hunting for meat animals (elk, deer) and fishing were of great importance. A characteristic element of their culture was the hand sledge.

The settled-fishing type of economy was widespread in the past among the peoples living in the river basins. Amur and Ob: Nivkhs, Nanais, Ulchis, Itelmens, Khanty, among some Selkups and Ob Mansi. For these peoples, fishing was the main source of livelihood throughout the year. Hunting was of an auxiliary nature.

The type of sedentary hunters of sea animals is represented among the sedentary Chukchi, Eskimos, and partly sedentary Koryaks. The economy of these peoples is based on the production of sea animals (walrus, seal, whale). Arctic hunters settled on the coasts of the Arctic seas. The products of marine hunting, in addition to satisfying personal needs for meat, fat and skins, also served as an object of exchange with neighboring related groups.

Nomadic taiga reindeer herders, hunters and fishermen were the most common type of economy among the peoples of Siberia in the past. He was represented among the Evenks, Evens, Dolgans, Tofalars, Forest Nenets, Northern Selkups, and Reindeer Kets. Geographically, it covered mainly the forests and forest-tundras of Eastern Siberia, from the Yenisei to the Sea of ​​Okhotsk, and also extended to the west of the Yenisei. The basis of the economy was hunting and keeping deer, as well as fishing.

The nomadic reindeer herders of the tundra and forest-tundra include the Nenets, reindeer Chukchi and reindeer Koryaks. These peoples have developed a special type of economy, the basis of which is reindeer husbandry. Hunting and fishing, as well as marine fishing, are of secondary importance or are completely absent. The main food product for this group of peoples is deer meat. The deer also serves as a reliable means of transportation.

Cattle breeding of the steppes and forest-steppes in the past was widely represented among the Yakuts, the world's northernmost pastoral people, among the Altaians, Khakassians, Tuvinians, Buryats, and Siberian Tatars. Cattle breeding was of a commercial nature; the products almost completely satisfied the population's needs for meat, milk and dairy products. Agriculture among pastoral peoples (except for the Yakuts) existed as an auxiliary branch of the economy. These peoples were partly engaged in hunting and fishing.

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Completed by: Oputina E.N.

Checked by: Popova E.M.

Region and people

Beyond the Ural Mountains in the basins of the Ob and Yenisei rivers live the Khanty, Mansi, Selkups and Kets. This region is called Western Siberia.

In the north of Western Siberia, the sun does not set in spring and early summer. This time is called white nights.

There are more than two thousand rivers and streams in Western Siberia. The largest of them are the Ob and its tributary the Irtysh. These rivers are navigable.

The climate here is continental, winter is long and frosty, spring is late, summer is short, and autumn is early.

There are a lot of animals and birds. The most important of them are the brown bear, which is called the master of the taiga, wild reindeer that comes here from the northern tundra, elk and valuable fur-bearing animals.

The forest is also rich in various valuable tree species. The most valuable tree is Siberian cedar. Its durable, soft and light wood is an excellent construction and ornamental material. A house made of cedar logs has been standing for hundreds of years, and milk will not sour in cedar dishes. Pine nuts are very useful. Resin and cedar roots are used: resin is used to resin boats, and the roots are used to sew birch bark, boats, and sleds together like ropes.

There are also birch trees. They are used to make firewood for the stove, brooms for the bathhouse, furniture, skis, tar, and coal. From bark - birch bark - they sew panels to cover huts, make tees and boxes. Mansi carve various crafts from birch wood. To do this, the wood is first boiled in fat to prevent it from cracking. In spring, residents drink juice. This juice can be used as a dye by boiling it to turn orange and even brown.

There are so many berries in Western Siberia that they are collected not by hand, but by special scoops. Currants, blueberries, raspberries, lingonberries... Housewives bake delicious pies from them, make jam, and make juices. There are also a lot of mushrooms. But the indigenous population does not eat them; they believe that mushrooms are food for deer.

The indigenous inhabitants of Western Siberia speak languages ​​of different language families, but are very similar to each other in terms of the type of economy and their culture.

The Khanty and Mansi are the peoples of the Ugric group of the Finno-Ugric family of languages. They are called the Ob Ugrians (named after the Ob River, near which they live). In Europe, on the Danube River, the Ugrians, the Danube, also live. Once upon a time, the ancestors of the Danube Ugrians (Hungarians) lived in the Southern Urals, and then some of them moved to the Danube. The Khanty are one of the most numerous indigenous peoples of Siberia. Mansi is three times smaller than the Khanty.

The Selkups are the people of the Samoyed language group. Their closest relatives in terms of language and origin live in the Far North of Siberia, these are the Nenets, Enets and Nganasans. The Selkups live along the banks of the Ob and Taz rivers and are very similar to the Khanty and Mansi.

Kets live on the Yenisei River and its tributaries. The economy and culture of the Kets are also similar to the Khanty and Selkup, but their language is special, it has no analogues in the languages ​​of other peoples.

Pages of history

The ancestors of the Khanty, Mansi, Selkup and Kets were ancient tribes who lived in Western Siberia during the Neolithic and Bronze Ages, i.e. in the fifth - third millennium BC. They hunted and fished, ate the meat of killed animals and fish, and dressed in clothes made from animal skins and fish skins. In the summer they traveled by boats, and in the winter on skis and dogs. They lived in dugouts and made all their utensils from wood, tree bark, bones, and fur. Women also sculpted dishes from clay and decorated them with geometric patterns similar to the tracks of animals and birds, as well as molded figurines of animals and birds.

Cloth

In winter, men wear close-fitting fur clothing (without various fasteners) called malitsa. It is sewn from deerskin with short pile with the fur inside. On top they put on the same straight and wide shirt made of bright chintz. When they set out on a long journey with reindeer, they put another sokui on top. Sokui is also a flat, long garment of straight cut, flared downwards. It is made from the fur of a deer that was killed in winter; the pile of such fur is long. The sokui has a hood and mittens sewn to the sleeves. In such clothes you can even spend the night in the snow... An indispensable accessory of a man's suit is a belt, to which decorations carved from bone are sewn. A sheath with a knife is hung from the belt, and hunters also carry various leather bags and wooden cases with ammunition.

Women in winter wear wide and long coats made of deer fur, trimmed at the bottom with a strip of fur with long pile. The hem, flaps and sleeves of such a fur coat are decorated with stripes of fur mosaic, colored cloth, and embroidered with beads. For mosaics, geometric patterns are mainly used.

Winter shoes are high boots made of deer fur with short pile. Boots are usually tied to the belt with leather ties; men's boots are also tied below the knees with colored wool laces. Like a fur coat, they are decorated with a fur mosaic and strips of colored cloth inserted into the seams. Fur stockings (fur inside) are worn in winter boots.

In winter, men cover their heads with a hood, and women with scarves. They especially like large and colorful ones, with tassels. Some women prefer bonnets made of deer, lynx or arctic fox fur, also decorated with fur mosaic or cloth.

For sewing fur clothes and shoes, threads are made from dried deer tendons.

Men's shirts and women's dresses were made of cotton or satin, straight cut, with a slit and fastener on the chest; they were decorated with appliqué or beadwork at the collar, cuffs and hem. In some places, women wore a satin robe over their dresses. Robes were made from satin and broadcloth in bright colors and decorated with appliques, beads, and metal plaques; they were worn in spring and autumn as coats.

Women wear flat rings made of light metal on their hands, sometimes several on each finger.

In spring and autumn they also wear boots, only made of suede. They are painted with brown patterns using birch sap or a decoction of larch bark. Before putting on such boots, the feet are wrapped in dry grass, which is prepared for the entire family by women. Suede shoes are very light and dry quickly.

Women also love leather shoes embroidered with colored beads. They are worn with long socks knitted with dyed dog hair.

Kitchen

They love fish very much. They eat it in any form. A common food is fish soup. They eat it like this: the fish is taken out of the cauldron with a large wooden spoon and placed in a small trough made of wood, and the broth is poured into mugs, and the fish is washed down with it.

They also eat soups, cutlets, meat, nuts, berries, cereals, pancakes. A traditional dish is berries with fish oil.

Fish, meat, berries, and nuts are prepared by the entire extended family or even several families of relatives. This custom has been preserved since ancient times, when hunters and fishermen lived in very large families, together with married sons. Gradually the family became smaller. Now, when sons get married, they separate and live on their own. Nowadays, usually only the youngest son and his family live with their parents. But family ties remain.

The family has in common a home, outbuildings, large fishing nets, and large boats for travel. The size of food supplies in the family is determined by the eldest woman. Excess food is given to relatives, primarily the elderly, single or with many children. If there is not enough fish or meat, you can borrow it from a neighboring family. According to unwritten laws, there is no need to return them, but if they borrow products bought in a store, they will certainly be returned. Meat and fish are considered common in the family, but each married couple buys tea, sugar, bread and other prepared foods for themselves separately. Each housewife has her own table and her own dishes. The father and his married son together own deer, a house, barns, traps, boats, but each has his own guns and tools, separately they sell the harvested furs and spend the money.

According to tradition, the property of a woman in a family is the bread oven she built, as well as her dowry, including deer, birch bark products, and sewing accessories. Among the Mansi, a woman used to own all the clothes and shoes that she made, including men's.

Khanty and Mansi in the family call each other not by name, but by terms of kinship: son, youngest son, eldest daughter, father, mother, etc. This is a surviving tradition associated with the ancient ideas of the Khanty and Mansi about the soul. It was once believed that the soul of a deceased person was reborn in a newborn relative and an identical name. The child was given the name of the deceased, but was addressed by the term of kinship of the one who died. Therefore, it happened that the aunt, addressing her niece, called her mother, because the child was given the name of her deceased mother. The belief in the transmigration of souls has long disappeared, but the tradition of calling each other by the term of kinship remains.

Customs, rituals, holidays

For many years there were ancient forms of religions (totemism, trade cult, bear cult). The bear was considered the ancestor of large clan groups; various supernatural properties were attributed to it: it was reborn after death, understood human speech, and could recognize any of its “relatives” - humans. It was impossible to kill a bear, eat its meat, or use its skin. The bear was called by kinship terms: grandfather, brother, etc. Over time, the ban on killing bears was lifted, and the main concern of the hunters was to deflect blame for the killing. Having killed the bear, the hunters told him: “Well, grandfather, let’s come to visit us, we will undress you and put you in a place of honor.” When the bear was skinned (undressed), everyone croaked loudly like a crow to confuse the bear. Then the skin was placed in a place of honor, and everyone brought the “guest” a gift - a coin, a ribbon, a scarf. When bear meat was boiled, the bones were taken apart at the joints and then buried along with the skull. This was supposed to help the bear to be reborn. They ate the meat with chopsticks so as not to touch it with their hands. After the meal, all participants “purified themselves”: they poured water on each other or sprinkled snow on each other. Such ritual actions accompanied every successful bear hunt.

Gradually, the religious meaning of this ceremony was lost, and some of its elements turned into entertainment acts, obligatory on any holiday, in particular on the occasion of a successful hunt. In every village today there are three or four “artists” who are indispensable participants in such performances. Here, for example, is one of the performances: In the evening, all the residents - Mansi - came to the house of the hunter who killed the bear. In the room, on the table, the bear skin was folded so that it seemed as if a living bear was sleeping, its head resting on its paws. There was a treat in front of him - a glass of vodka, candy, cookies in the shape of an elk, a deer: a guest is a guest. Hunters and the leader of the holiday, an old man, were sitting at the table. The participants of the holiday noisily sat down, excitedly discussing the merits of the killed bear. But then everyone fell silent: a man in a birch bark mask with a long nose entered the house. He performed the pantomime “Hunter Kills a Bear”. The next artist, also wearing a mask, sang to the music about the life of a bear in the forest. What followed were sketches of a comedic and satirical nature from the lives of hunters and fishermen. It was clear that the artists were making fun of someone present. The scenes were interspersed with dances. Women danced in bright dresses. The holiday lasted several days.

Higher, music, flight!

The floor is rumbling

Paul laughs

The floor is underfoot

Louder, friend!

Wider circle!

Look,

In a red shirt

The guy came out -

Falcon is clear!

The guy has a mask on his face.

So he stomped like a bear.

This is a bear dance for you!

We must stomp and roar.

Funeral rite

In the old days it was believed that every person had several souls. When a person died, his likeness was made from wood or metal - a small doll, where one of the souls of the deceased seemed to live, waiting to be transferred to a newborn. The doll was kept in the deceased's house for 4-5 years. Another soul passed into the afterlife, which was not much different from the earthly one. This soul needed the same house and all other things as during human life. Small things were placed in a coffin (sometimes a boat was used instead of a coffin), larger ones in the grave, and the rest around the house on the grave. Thus, together with the deceased, all his belongings were taken to the cemetery - clothes, household and labor items - bows, arrows, even old guns. If a person died in a foreign land, his clothes and belongings were buried so that his soul could live near his native village.

Relatives bury their dead in one row. In each such row there is a place for a fire, around which all relatives gather for the funeral.

Wedding ceremony

Wedding rituals in the old days were reduced to matchmaking, during which the parents of the bride and groom agreed on the bride price - payment for the bride - and the wedding feast.

The matchmaking lasted for many days, sometimes weeks. The matchmakers came to the bride's house many times. The bride's parents were paid in money, deer, fabrics, iron objects - cauldrons, axes, knives. If there was no money to pay the bride price, the girl was kidnapped.

One elderly Khanty woman told how she was married off. One day her parents received a gift from a Khanty family from a distant village - a scarf. This meant that the groom's parents had chosen a bride for him and would soon send matchmakers. The girl’s father took the handkerchief, which means he was ready to accept the matchmakers.

A few days later, a reindeer team arrived at the house. There was a knock of the staff. It was the matchmaker knocking on the door with a carved stick wrapped in a scarf. The matchmaker and the groom's parents entered the house and began to talk to the bride's parents, but they were silent, as usual. Matchmakers came several times, bringing gifts of wine, an ax, or a scarf. Finally we agreed on the dowry. It was a medium-sized bride price - 2 deer, cloth for the bride’s robe and 20 rubles.

After the matchmaking, the groom came into the house and sat with his back to the bride, who was sitting in the canopy in a new dress. She saw him for the first time.

Meanwhile, the table was set for the wedding feast. The matchmaker, parents, relatives of the bride and groom drank wine, tea, ate and food prepared by the groom's relatives. Then the bride and groom drank tea from the same saucer at the table.

During the wedding feast, the bride covered her face with a scarf so that she would not be seen by her husband's older relatives, who could not marry her if she became a widow. But she did not hide her face from her husband’s younger relatives. She knew that if she became a widow, her husband's younger brother would marry her, even if he had a wife and children. This ancient custom was dictated by the norms of tribal morality. Thanks to him, the children and property of the deceased remained in the family, and the family received a breadwinner.

The wedding feast lasted 2 days. Then the wedding train - several reindeer teams - took the bride to the groom's village. So she became a married woman.

Fisherman's Day

Fisherman's Day is celebrated interestingly and cheerfully in Khanty villages on the Ob. Families of fishermen gather on the river bank and a folk festival takes place. There are traditional fish soup and fish pies. On the river there are light boat races and fishermen's competitions. National songs are sung and young people are dancing.

Folk art

The uniqueness of the creativity of local residents, their subtle taste is manifested in the decoration of clothes, shoes, hats, and utensils. These are fur mosaics, cloth mosaics, fabric appliqués, sewing and beadwork, deer hair embroidery, birch bark products and designs on them, wood carvings.

Fur coats, dresses, and shoes are decorated with beaded embroidery. Simple geometric patterns, but bold color combinations. The ornament is not only geometric, but also includes conventional symbolism - images of birds and animals.

Fur products are also very attractive.

The musical art of the peoples of Western Siberia is also unique. They have an interesting, very simple and ancient musical instrument, the Tumran or Jew's harp. This is a narrow bone plate with a cut tongue. Tumran makes original low sounds. Only women play it. Another female musical instrument is similar in shape to a violin. It has one or two strings, and the bow is a small bow with a tuft of horsehair stretched on it.

Men's musical instruments are stringed only. One of them resembles a Slavic gusli. It is made in the shape of a boat from if or fir. The boat is covered on top with a board on which 5-6 strings of deer or elk tendons are stretched. The musician holds it on his lap, plucking the strings with his fingers. In Khanty, these harps are called “playing tree,” and the Mansi name comes from the verb - to ring.

A particularly interesting instrument is the harp type. Its shape resembles a bird - a swan or a crane, which is why it is called that. From the neck to the back of the bird there are 9 to 13 copper strings stretched.

The folklore of the Khanty, Mansi, Kets and Selkups is ancient and rich. Folk memory carefully preserves tales about animals, old rituals, and tools. Many traditions that have reached us can only be explained thanks to folklore. For example, when a child is born in a family and he is given a name, the man is not present, he is not allowed. Why? You can learn about this from the old Mansi fairy tale “Where the earth began”:

“ Two birds - a large auk and a little auk - wanted to get the earth from the bottom of the sea. The big loon dived for a long time, but did not reach the bottom. Then the little auk dived. I dived and dived, but didn’t get anything either.

Let's dive in together! - the little auk says to the big loon.

We dived together. We swam and swam, ran out of breath, and came back. We breathed a little and dived again. They sank deep, but did not reach the bottom. We caught our breath and dived for the third time. They descended for a long time, finally reached the bottom, took a piece of land and set off on the way back. The loons were under water for a very long time. Therefore, when they went up, the big loon began to bleed from its chest. That is why the loon now has a red chest. The little auk began to bleed from the back of his head, and now all auks have a red back of their head.

The birds laid the earth on the water. The earth began to grow...

A lot of time has passed. The daughter of the Spirit of Heaven went to her father and said:

Now we need to make a person...

The Spirit of Heaven called his brother, the Spirit of the lower world, and ordered him to make a man. He made seven clay figurines and brought them to his brother. The Spirit of Heaven said:

Take these clay people to our sister, Mother of the Earth. Let her revive them.

The Spirit of the lower world went to Mother Earth and said:

Sister, can you revive these people?

“I will revive you,” answered the Mother of the Earth, “only you leave here.”

Since then, when people are born, men must leave.”

Singing tradition

(Irkutsk, Kemerovo, Kurgan, Magadan, Novosibirsk, Omsk, Tomsk, Chita regions, Altai and Krasnodar regions)

Here we find similarities with the Ural tradition:

· Low chanting

· Sedentary lower jaw

· Chest resonance. The head sound resembles the sound of a horn, and at times the sound of a child's voice.