Archaeological cultures of the Upper Paleolithic. Cultural areas and archaeological cultures Tools and techniques for their manufacture

Based on the characteristics of material culture monuments, the Upper Paleolithic is usually divided into the following time periods, named after the sites of classic finds for this period:

65--35 thousand years BC. Late Moustier;

35--25 thousand years BC. Aurignac;

25--20 thousand years BC. Solutre;

20--10 thousand years BC. Madeleine.

There are quite a lot of finds from the Upper Paleolithic - Neolithic era to see their significance in the spiritual quest of ancient man.

The Aurignac burials of the Cro-Magnon man have a new interesting detail for us. The bottom of the graves was sprinkled with ocher in advance. The body of the deceased was again sprinkled with ocher, covered with mammoth shoulder blades, and only then covered with earth. Ocher is very often, almost universally used by Cro-Magnon people both in funeral rituals and in other religious rites. It symbolizes blood, life and, in the words of religious scholar E.O. James, “expresses the intention to revive the dead through connection with a substance having the color of blood” Quoted. by: Zubov A.B. History of religions. Book one: Prehistoric and ahistorical religions. Lecture course. - M.: Planet of Children, 1997, P. 65. It is possible that it was this custom that laid the foundation for the stable association of the “other world” with the color of blood in many religious traditions.

The discovery of ungulate horns and mammoth tusks in Late Neolithic graves becomes more common than in Neanderthal burials. This symbolism, widely known in human culture, must have meant the presence of a divine cover over a person. To testify not just to the hope of the resurrection, but to the hope of the resurrection in a better divine world than this.

The dead were believed to be wearing clothes embroidered with shellfish, which were not very comfortable to wear. Apparently, we are dealing with a specially made funeral vestment. Women, children, and even newborns were buried this way.

But not all burials have such a solemnly calm character. In complete contrast to them are the finds of bodies bound after death, sometimes devoid of any funeral gifts; people buried face down under a pile of heavy stones; dismembered corpses.

According to the method of the historical-phenomenological school, it can be assumed that they were thrown into a pit without vestments, without proper burial, with their hands and feet tied, not out of fear that the deceased would get up, but wanting to depict how the criminal would be dealt with at the afterlife trial. The body of the sinner became a kind of icon of the torment and death of his soul in another existence, and, at the same time, since the image and the prototype, the body and the personality, most likely, were not completely separated according to the ideas of the ancients, it was supposed to intensify the suffering of the soul, deprived of divine bliss and resurrection.

Did the Aurignacian mammoth hunters think so, or were they guided by other motives, solemnly burying some of the dead and “executing” the bodies of others, but one thing is clear - “The people of the last Ice Age buried their dead in the unconditional confidence of their future bodily life. They also seemed to believe that some kind of life continued to last in the bodies of the dead.” Zubov A.B. History of religions. Book one: Prehistoric and ahistorical religions. Lecture course. - M.: Planet of Children, 1997. P. 68., writes J. Maringer.

If Cro-Magnon hunters were not convinced of the resurrection of their dead, they would certainly not have attached such importance to the funeral ritual and the preservation of their physical remains. Simple experience certainly showed them that such a resurrection would not come soon. The bones of our ancestors continued to decay in the ground, despite the ocher, mammoth tusks and cowrie shells. And the fact that this did not discourage the ancient hunters, did not cultivate disbelief in them, makes us assume that the Cro-Magnons are the ancient people who created this archaeological culture. They expected victory over death not soon, but in the distant future, when all their ritual efforts would bring the priceless fruit of a full bodily resurrection.

Communication with the deceased. But the expectation of the resurrection of the dead did not mean for the Cro-Magnon man their complete disappearance from the lives of the living before the arrival of this hoped-for moment. Although the bones of the dead lay in their graves, their souls and powers remained part of the tribe and took some part in life. We can guess that Upper Paleolithic hunters thought this way from some strange, at first glance, finds. These are the so-called howler monkeys, horn products with a dominant three-part symbolism. Applying the method of comparison with the practice of modern ahistorical peoples, it can be argued that they were used to communicate with their ancestors. When a howler monkey is touched with special objects (a comb, the skin of a totem animal), it makes sounds in which the natives hear the voices of their ancestors. Traces of ocher have been preserved on the howler monkey from La Roche, which certainly indicates the connection of the object with the funeral ritual and the other world.

For the most part, Upper Paleolithic people buried their dead, but sometimes they kept skulls in the dwellings of the living or in special sanctuaries. A drinking cup was made from the skull. Followers of the Chicago school tend to interpret these facts as follows: “... the skull, which was the seat of the brain, retains some kind of spiritual, invisible content, some piece of the personality of the deceased, which the living can share. For the Cro-Magnons, the material remains of the deceased were not insensitive dust, but one of the elements, one of the constituent parts of their deceased relative, remaining in their world, so that with its help they could enter into communication with the departed into another existence. This part kept something of the personality of the deceased; it was a symbol of the deceased person. But, as in the case of other symbolic images, here he retained the qualities and powers of the prototype, the deceased ancestor himself. The funeral ritual of the Cro-Magnons, in which, judging by the ocher remains in them, bowls made from skulls were used, further strengthened this connection and made the deceased ancestors part of the world of the living.” Zubov A.B. History of religions. Book one: Prehistoric and ahistorical religions. Lecture course. - M.: Planet of Children, 1997. P. 71..

Religious meaning of Upper Paleolithic painting. Upper Paleolithic painting was discovered in 1879 by the Spanish nobleman Marcellino de Satuolo. At first it seemed self-evident that a sense of beauty simply awoke in a person, and he began to create with inspiration. “Art for art’s sake” was the motto of that time in culture, and this view was decisively transferred 20-30 thousand years into the past, attributing it to Cro-Magnon. In the 20th century, these finds began to be interpreted differently. At the beginning, it was noted that both in the paintings of caves and in the sculptures of animals found later, sculpted at the same time, a considerable number of subjects consist of hunting scenes, or rather, images of animals struck by arrows, spears and stones, sometimes bleeding. And although they were numerous, such subjects were far from dominant in cave art. By the end of the 1930s, paleoanthropologists agreed that the motivation for Cro-Magnon art was sympathetic magic, that is, the belief that by depicting an animal struck by an arrow before a hunt, one can confidently hope to hit it in the coming hunt.

The assumption was based on ethnographic data. Some primitive tribes, for example the pygmies, before a hunt actually draw on the sand the animal they are going to kill and at dawn on the day of the hunt, with the first rays of the sun, they hit the image with a hunting weapon, reciting certain spells. The hunt after this, as a rule, is successful, and the animal is struck exactly in the place where the spear pierced in the picture. But after the hunt is completed, the drawing is never saved. On the contrary, the blood (that is, the life-soul) of a killed animal is poured onto it, and then the image is smoothed out with a bunch of hair cut from the skin.

Despite the seemingly complete similarity between the hunting magic of the Pygmies and the monuments of Paleolithic painting, very important differences are immediately noticeable. Firstly, most of the animals still remain unaffected in the cave “frescos”; often the artist carefully depicts their peaceful life, loves to depict pregnant females and animals during mating games (however, with enviable bashfulness). Secondly, the images are made “for centuries” with the most durable paints using a long and very labor-intensive manufacturing technology. For the pygmy sorcerer, it is important to depict an animal, hit it, then, pouring blood on it, as if to restore life to the killed one. Afterwards, the image of the affected animal only interferes with its revival and is therefore immediately destroyed by the successful sorcerer. For some reason, the Paleolithic hunter did not at all strive to consider the matter over after a successful hunt. His aspirations were of the opposite nature. Thirdly, as a rule, it is important for a sorcerer to bring his magic closer to the place and time of the event that he wants to influence. Wanting to kill an antelope, the pygmies “killed” its image at dawn on the day of the hunt, on the same ground and under the same sky, which were to witness their hunting art.

The artists of the Frankish-Cantabrian caves acted completely differently. They seemed to deliberately choose the darkest, hidden corners, often extremely difficult to access and, if possible, going deeper into the ground. Sometimes, after completion of the work, the entrance was sealed with a stone wall, completely preventing people from entering. Ancient artists, unlike their modern brethren, seem to have been completely devoid of professional ambition. They avoided working where their fellow tribesmen lived. The Cro-Magnons settled, as a rule, not far from the entrance to the cave, if they chose this type of dwelling, and painted away from the camps, in the hidden silence of the dungeons. But they especially loved to choose caves as galleries that were not at all suitable for habitation, where archaeologists never found any traces of the daily life of a Cro-Magnon man. The famous Lascaux cave (Lascaux. Dordogne, France), with its inaccessibility and dank conditions, turned out to be a particularly desirable place for the ancient artist.

A major expert in the field of Paleolithic painting, A. Leroy-Gourhan, pointed out its most interesting feature - “the exceptional uniformity of artistic content” - “the figurative meaning of the images seems to have not changed from the thirtieth to the ninth millennium BC. and remains the same from Asturias to the Don." The French scientist himself explained this phenomenon by the existence of “a single system of ideas - a system reflecting the religion of the caves” Zubov A.B. History of religions. Book one: Prehistoric and ahistorical religions. Lecture course. - M.: Planet of Children, 1997. P.75..

This is the interpretation given by the phenomenological approach in religious studies: “Cro-Magnons learned to bury their dead in the ground. And if they sought to leave images deeper in the depths of the earth, then most likely these images are related not to this above-ground, but to that underground (infernal) world. They tried to hide the images from the eyes of casual viewers, and often from viewers in general - therefore, they were not intended for a person, or certainly not for every person. These were paintings intended for the inhabitants of the underworld, for the souls of the dead and the spirits of the underworld. Pictures of that hunting paradise where the ancestors went and in which they stayed in anticipation of the resurrection. Spirits, unlike living ones, cannot hit animals with arrows and spears, but they need the blood of sacrificial animals in order to lead a full (full-blooded) life there and help the inhabitants of this world. And that is why bleeding, dying animals are depicted in hunting scenes. These are eternally lasting sacrifices to the dead.” Ibid. P. 74..

The idea of ​​God in the Upper Paleolithic. Among the finds belonging to the archaeological cultures of Aurignacian and Solutrian, mammoth bones abound. It makes no sense to hunt such a huge animal for purely utilitarian purposes. Meanwhile, mammoths were killed not as an exception, but regularly, as if the Cro-Magnon man could not do without them. There is even an opinion that this wonderful animal disappeared due to too close interest in it by ancient man. And this interest, it seems, was not so much gastronomic as religious. The mammoth was necessary for the Upper Paleolithic hunter in ritual.

It is noteworthy that modern pygmies of Tropical Africa never hunt an elephant simply for meat. This dangerous and difficult hunt for them is always associated with sacrifice. They consider the elephant to be the embodiment of the Supreme God, the spirit, and the patron of man. They apologize to him for killing him, the most delicious parts (for example, the trunk) are buried in the ground, and the meat is eaten with reverence, in the hope of communion with the highest Heavenly Power. The analogy of these rituals with the customs of the Cro-Magnon man was first seen by P. Werner Zubov A.B. History of religions. Book one: Prehistoric and ahistorical religions. Lecture course. - M.: Planet of Children, 1997. P.80..

Apparently, for the ancient hunters of Europe, communication with a mammoth in sacrifice, the presence of mammoth tusks and bones in the grave, in the sanctuary was a sign of worship of God, communion with God. By giving their dead to the protection of That Being, whose symbol was the mammoth, the Cro-Magnons most likely hoped for the introduction of their dead to His properties of eternity and omnipotence.

The cult of the mammoth certainly dominated the Late Paleolithic of Eurasia, but the more ancient bear cults were not completely forgotten. Some tribes preferred them. In the Silesian cave, Hellmishhöchll, L. Zotz made an even more interesting discovery in 1936. Not far from the entrance, he discovered a specially buried head of a young (2-3 years old) cave bear along with the bones of a brown bear. The archaeologist noticed that the teeth of the cave bear were carefully cut down shortly before his death (the dentin on the saw cuts did not have time to fully recover). Tools from the Aurignacian archaeological culture were found in the skull. Soon after L. Zotz published this find, ethnologist W. Koppers suggested a modern analogy to Zotz's find. It turns out that the Gilyaks and Ainu of Sakhalin and the Kuril Islands had a custom of the so-called “bear holiday” at the beginning of the 19th century. In winter, after the solstice, a 2- to 3-year-old bear specially bred in captivity is sacrificed after solemn rituals. He is believed to be a messenger to the great spirit and, according to the Ayons, he will intercede for the tribe with this spirit throughout the year and will especially help the hunters. It is noteworthy that shortly before the sacrifice, the teeth of the sacrificial bear are filed down “so that it does not cause harm during the festivities” Zubov A.B. History of religions. Book one: Prehistoric and ahistorical religions. Lecture course. - M.: Planet of Children, 1997. P. 83..

But the preservation of the ritual among the Ainu and Gilyaks does not mean at all that the explanations of its essence have reached us unchanged. The inhabitants of the Kuril ridge and Sakhalin are not able to rationally explain why they are torturing an animal that is already doomed to sacrifice and, at the same time, highly revered in principle. This is probably a later speculation. The ritual of beating a bear, which appeared in the Upper Paleolithic, could not but have a clear and well-understood meaning for people at that time. Most likely, it was somehow connected with the idea of ​​the Supreme Being suffering for the sins of people; it was a ritual reproduction of some divine event that happened “at the time of it” and was associated with the suffering of God.

However, neither the ancient cult of the bear, nor the antlers of deer and mammoth tusks in the graves of fellow tribesmen could, in the Upper Paleolithic era, completely calm the human soul yearning to go beyond the boundaries of this earthly and temporary world. In the Lascaux cave, we are greeted by some images that to this day have not been explained satisfactorily by anyone. To begin with, in the first hall a procession of various animals is “led” through the vaults by a strange three-meter creature. It has the tail of a deer, the back of a wild bull, and the hump of a bison. The hind legs resemble those of an elephant, the front legs of a horse. The head of the animal is similar to a person, and from the crown of the head there are two long straight horns, which do not exist at all in the animal world. This animal, according to a number of researchers, is a female with pronounced signs of pregnancy.

If the goal of the ancient artist was “hunting magic,” then he would never have depicted such monsters. After all, in order to kill an animal during a hunt, it is necessary, from the sorcerer’s point of view, to reproduce its image as accurately as possible, and then kill the image. Even if we agree (and this is very doubtful) that the dark spots on the skin of the monster from Lascaux are traces from the stones of a hunting sling, then it is unclear why the sorcerer had to try hard on the three-meter image, which occupies a central place among the images of the first hall, if the animal is all that you won’t find it in the hunting fields either. The combined animal images strongly argue against the explanation of Paleolithic art as “hunting magic.”

Most likely, both the creature described above and the so-called drawing “died in front of the Great Bison” from the next room reflect the idea of ​​​​God in the Upper Paleolithic. About the last scene, A. Zubov writes: “Here, in this mysterious fresco from Lascaux, the most secret hope of Paleolithic people appears before us - hope for victory over death, and appears not in the form of elements of a funeral ritual, but in a symbolic image. The bison standing over the deceased was struck by what appears to be a heavy spear. He is both the giver of life and the sacrifice for life.” Zubov A.B. History of religions. Book one: Prehistoric and ahistorical religions. Lecture course. - M.: Planet of Children, 1997. P. 88.. This idea may seem too complicated for the Aurignacian hunters, but let us remember that it is precisely with this idea of ​​death and victory over death of the giver of life (Osiris in Egypt, Dumuzi in Sumer, Yama - in the Vedas) humanity enters religious history 4-5 thousand years ago. The idea of ​​the unity of sacrifice, victim and donor is a very ancient idea.

The image on the palette from the Raimondon cave (France) coincides with the Lascaux fresco. Only here people sacrifice a bison, hoping, perhaps, through this sacrifice to unite with the prototype, with that great Being, whose symbol the bison was for the Cro-Magnon man. The palette certainly depicts a sacrifice. The head of a bison on the bones, already freed from meat, and two front legs, cut off and lying in front of the head. There are people on both sides of the bison. These are participants in the sacrifice, the sacrificial meal. One of them has something like a palm branch in his hand.

The Lascaux fresco and the Raimondon palette are two parts of a holistic picture of the religious hopes of Upper Paleolithic man. On the palette we see a sacrifice in the world of people, on the walls of the cave - the result (and at the same time the reason) of this sacrifice in the world of the gods, where man so desired to go after passing the boundary of earthly life. Often the animals for the sacrifice were interchangeable, but this did not change the meaning of the sacrifice.

Paleolithic Venus. Another circle of Upper Paleolithic finds that have a meaning that goes beyond the boundaries of this everyday life are numerous figurines, reliefs and drawings of women. The figurines of Paleolithic “Venuses”, mostly dating back to Aurignac, show that the interest in women thirty thousand years ago was very different from what it is today. The face, arms and legs are very poorly detailed in these figures. Sometimes the entire head consists of one lush hairstyle, but everything that has to do with the birth and feeding of a child is not only carefully described, but, it seems, exaggerated. All this indicates that Paleolithic Venus is the prolific mother of A.B. Zubov. History of religions. Book one: Prehistoric and ahistorical religions. Lecture course. - M.: Planet of Children, 1997. P.98..

The following interpretation is possible. Most likely, these “Venus” were images of “Mother Earth”, pregnant with the dead, who were yet to be born again to eternal life. Perhaps the essence thus depicted was the race itself in its continuation from ancestors to descendants, the Great Mother, always giving birth to life. For the keeper of the clan, individual “personal” characteristics are not important. She is a womb forever pregnant with life, forever feeding her mother with her milk. It is unlikely that the thoughts of the ancients rose to high abstractions, but since they buried their dead in the ground, then they believed in their resurrection, and if they believed, then they could not help but worship Mother Raw Earth, who gives food, life and the revival of Teeth A .B. History of religions. Book one: Prehistoric and ahistorical religions. Lecture course. - M.: Planet of Children, 1997. P.93.. The worship of Mother Earth, so natural among agricultural peoples, in fact turns out to be older than agriculture, since the purpose of worship for ancient man was not the earthly harvest, but the life of the next century.

Paleolithic culture

The very first examples of Paleolithic art were discovered in caves in France in the 40s of the 19th century.

Thus, in 1864, in the La Madeleine cave, an image of a mammoth on a bone plate was found, which showed that people at that time not only lived with the mammoth, but also already reproduced this ancient animal in their drawings.

In 1875, cave paintings were unexpectedly discovered in Altamira (Spain), which amazed researchers with their magnificence.

Hundreds of figures outlined in dark lines - yellow, red, brown, painted with ocher, marl and soot - decorate the walls of the Lascaux cave. Here you can see the heads of deer, goats, horses, bulls, bison, rhinoceroses, and all of this is almost life-size.

This cave near Montignac in southwestern France was discovered in September 1940.

Four schoolchildren went on an archaeological expedition that they themselves had planned. In place of the uprooted tree, they saw a gaping hole in the ground. This hole interested them, especially since there were rumors that this was the entrance to a dungeon that led to a nearby medieval castle. Inside there was another hole - smaller. One of the schoolchildren threw a stone at it and determined from the noise of the fall that the depth here was great. And yet he widened the hole, climbed inside, lit a flashlight and, stunned, called his friends. Some huge animals were looking at the schoolchildren from the walls of the cave. Having come to their senses, the schoolchildren realized that this was not a dungeon leading to a medieval castle, but a cave of a prehistoric man. The young archaeologists reported their discovery to their teacher, who at first was distrustful of their story.

Image of a mammoth. Cave of La Madeleine (France).

But he still agreed to look at the find, and when he found himself in the cave, he gasped in amazement.

This is how the Lascaux cave was discovered, which was later nicknamed the “Sistine Chapel of primitive painting.” This comparison with the famous frescoes of Michelangelo is not accidental and not exaggerated. The painting of the cave fully expresses the spiritual aspirations and creative will of people who created their own fine art, which delights us even today.

By the way, French schoolchildren not only discovered the cave, but also immediately set up their camp near it and became the first guardians of artistic treasures.

This was useful, because the rumor about the cave paintings quickly spread throughout the area and attracted whole crowds of curious people.

As often happens in such cases, many initially doubted the authenticity of the ancient cave, suggesting that all this was the work of modern painters who decided to laugh at the gullible crowd.

However, the authenticity of the drawings was soon proven by scientific examination.

In the Lascaux cave we encounter a rare attempt by primitive man to depict a crowd scene with some complex plot. Before us is a bison wounded by a spear, whose entrails are falling out of its belly. Next to him is a defeated man. And not far from them is a picture of a rhinoceros, which may have killed the man.

It is difficult to determine exactly the content of this rock painting. It should be noted that the person on it is depicted schematically and ineptly. This is how children usually draw. But no child, perhaps, could accurately convey the death of a bison, the calm and ponderous tread of a victoriously retreating rhinoceros.

Images of goats and horses. Cave of Combarelles (France).

Interesting cave paintings were discovered in the Font-de-Gaume cave and in the Nio cave in France.

Already in the Aurignac era, we find on the walls of caves where people lived, the outline of a hand with widely spaced fingers, outlined in paint and enclosed in a circle. It is quite possible that in this way primitive man tried to leave his own imprint on the stone in order to imprint and establish his presence.

In the Upper Paleolithic, hunting techniques became more complex. At this time, house-building was born and a new way of life was taking shape. Thinking and speech develop. A person’s mental horizons expand and his spiritual world is enriched.

The deep archaism of the earliest cave images is reflected in the fact that the emergence of the most ancient of them, the early Aurignacian ones, was caused at first glance by seemingly random associations in the minds of primitive man, who noticed the similarity in the outlines of stones or rocks with the appearance of certain animals.

Sculptural figure of a woman carved from mammoth ivory (front and profile). Kostenki I. From excavations in 1952

But already in Aurignacian times, along with examples of archaic art that combine natural resemblance and human creativity, images were also widespread that owe their appearance entirely to the creative imagination of primitive people.

Very early, back in Aurignacian times, round sculpture began to appear along with drawings and bas-reliefs. As a rule, it was an image of a woman.

The figurines were discovered in various Upper Paleolithic settlements of the periglacial zone, which extended from the Mediterranean Sea to Lake Baikal.

Along with plastic images of women, the art of the Upper Paleolithic is characterized by sculptural images of animals made from mammoth tusk, bone, and even clay mixed with bone ash, equally true to nature. Often such figures depicted mammoths, bison, horses and other animals, including predators.

Many interesting finds were discovered in Kostenki, already known to the reader. The two figurines discovered here are remarkable for their life-like depiction of the forms of the naked female body and expressiveness. A whole series of miniature heads and figures of animals carved from marl, a soft local stone, was found in Kostenki. There are predators here, such as a lion and a bear, and there is also a beautifully designed camel head.

In Ukraine, in Mezin, figurines of birds of prey, completely unusual in their unique stylization, covered with a rich geometric pattern, were discovered.

In Malta and Bureti (on the Angara River) sculptural figurines of waterfowl depicted in flight, with a long neck stretched forward and a massive head, were found. Most likely these are loons or swans.

Mammoth figurines carved from the foot bones of the mammoth itself were discovered at the Avdeevskaya site.

Exactly the same figurines were found in Predmost, in Slovakia.

The accuracy and sharpness of observations reflected in the images of animals were determined by the daily work experience of ancient hunters, whose entire life and well-being depended on knowledge of the lifestyle and character of animals, on the ability to track and catch them. Such knowledge of the animal world was a matter of life and death for primitive hunters, and penetration into the life of animals was a characteristic and important part of human psychology. Moreover, to such an extent that it colored their entire spiritual culture, starting, judging by ethnographic data, from animal epics and fairy tales, where animals are the only or main characters, ending with rituals and myths in which people and animals represent one whole.

Paleolithic art gave people of that time satisfaction with the correspondence of images to nature, the clarity and symmetrical arrangement of lines, and the strength of the color scheme of these images.

Often the simplest everyday things were covered with ornaments and given sculptural forms. Such are, say, daggers, the handle of which is turned into a figurine of a deer or a goat, such as a spear thrower with the image of a partridge.

Songs and dances were an important type of primitive art. Primitive dances, most of them imitative, represent a reproduction of the rhythm of labor activity. Often during such dances scenes of gathering, hunting, fishing, etc. were imitated.

There were also war dances, which were usually performed before setting out on a campaign.

The origin of the dance dates back to the Magdalenian era. Dance is directly related to song and instrumental music, which arose from the rhythms of labor processes. The close connection between these two types of primitive art is proven by the fact that many tribes refer to songs and dances in one word. Primitive song consisted of rhythmic speech. The basis was the recitative, and the melody arose later.

It should be noted that primitive people created all types of musical instruments - percussion (from bone, wood or a stretched piece of leather), string or plucked instruments (their prototype was the bow string), wind instruments from hollow wood and tubular bone.

Rattles and drums became especially widespread.

Music, as a rule, accompanied dances that narrated numerous exploits of important hunters, warriors, etc.

Tubular bones with lateral holes were discovered in Late Paleolithic settlements. In Ukraine, in the Chernigov region, in a hut made of mammoth bones, two bone knockers, a noisy bracelet made of five bone plates and a hammer made of reindeer antler were found.

Some scientists believe that these objects are musical instruments of an ancient orchestra.

Of course, music in primitive society as a whole was poorly developed, which is explained by the low level of technology in general, and, consequently, the technology of making musical instruments.

Folklore began to develop very early among primitive people. The first to appear were legends about the past, myths, and later - fairy tales, songs, epics, riddles, and proverbs.

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From the book Ancient Chinese: Problems of Ethnogenesis author Kryukov Mikhail Vasilievich

On the transition from Paleolithic to Neolithic The period of archaeological classification following the Late Paleolithic - the Mesolithic, or Middle Stone Age - has been studied very poorly in the territory of modern China and is difficult to separate from both the Old Stone and New Stone Ages

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LOWER PALEOLITHIC

Olduwamyskaya cultmra

The Olduvamian culture (Oldowan culture, pebble culture) is the most primitive culture of stone processing, when, to obtain a sharp edge, the stone was usually simply split in half, without additional modification. Arose about 2.7 million years ago, disappeared about 1 million years ago. The first pebble tools could have been made by Australopithecus, the last by Archanthropus.

The name of the culture is given by part of the East African Rift System - the Olduvai Gorge in the Serengeti, Tanzania, in the area of ​​the Ngorongoro Crater. Here, Louis Leakey and his wife Mary discovered the remains of multi-layered Paleolithic settlements. The lower layers (about 1.7 - 1.8 million years ago) gave the name to the Olduvai culture. The remains of Zinjanthropus and Prezinjanthropus were discovered here, and the upper layers were attributed to the Chelles and Acheulian cultures and contained the remains of Olduvai Pithecanthropus. And in 1961, Jonathan Leakey discovered a skilled man here. Based on their findings, the Leakey family put forward a hypothesis of the African origin of man, with primary localization including in the Olduvai Gorge area.

Oldvoy

There are three types of weapons:

1) polyhedrons - roughly beaten or hammered, rounded stones with many edges. It is assumed that they were impact tools and served for processing plant and animal food,

2) various tools on flakes, used for cutting up animal carcasses,

3) choppers - the most characteristic weapon of this era, which had cutting and chopping functions.

It is curious that at this initial stage of tool making we encounter not just one tool, but a whole set capable of providing people with a variety of plant and animal foods (Clark, 1977). The dimensions of the tools do not exceed 8 - 10 cm. Among the tools there are both massive ones made of pebbles and stone fragments, as well as primitive cores and tools on flakes.

The most common are choppers (Fig. 16). These are massive tools, made, as a rule, from pebbles, the top or edge of which has been hewn off with several successive blows. Sometimes the blade is chipped on both sides.

The rest of the surface of the pebbles is untreated and is convenient for holding the weapon in the hand. The chopper blade is massive and uneven. In addition to choppers, the Olduvai era is characterized by polyhedra, discoids, spheroids, side scrapers on flakes, flakes with jagged and notched edges, etc. The flakes themselves are massive and short, with a strongly protruding impact cusp and an obtuse angle of the platform to the shear plane.

If these tools have a random shape, then their blades are repeated from monument to monument. Experts have no doubt about their definition. In addition, Olduvai tools were found in the cultural layer along with broken animal bones - the remains of hunting kills, i.e. in the same environment as the tools of all later Paleolithic eras.

Abbeville culture

Abbewiml culture (Chellean culture, early Acheulean culture) is an archaeological culture of the Early (Lower) Paleolithic.

The Abbeville culture arose approximately 1.5 million years ago, replacing the Olduvai culture, and ended approximately 300 thousand years ago, when it was replaced by the Acheulean culture.

However, some archaeologists view the Abbeville culture not as the next, but as the initial phase of the Acheulean.

Due to the deterioration of the climate and the onset of glaciation, the carriers of the Abbeville culture were forced to leave Europe and concentrated in Africa.

It was originally called the Chelles culture (this name is still often used in Russian literature) after the French city of Chelles near Paris. In the 1920s-30s. It was found that the tools found near the city of Abbeville (in the Somme Valley, France) were more typical of the Early Paleolithic era than those found at the city of Chelles, and the Chelles culture was renamed the Abbeville culture. The tools were discovered in 1839–1848 by the Frenchman Jacques Boucher de Pert (1788–1868), director of the customs bureau of the city of Abbeville, who gave the name “stone axe” to the type of tools found. The tools he found are also called hand axes

The Abbeville hand ax has long been considered the main tool of the Lower Paleolithic.

A typical ax is shaped like a human hand with closed fingers or a flattened pear. The manufacturing technology of a hand chopper is more complex than a chopper. To make them, large pieces of stones were used, broken off from large blocks of stone (boulders). The hand ax was made by double-sided upholstery.

The stone was given the desired shape by striking it with another stone, which served as a hammer. To do this, the workpiece required about 30 blows (chips).

The working part was the tapered end of the chopper; through targeted blows, this end acquired a sharp edge. The opposite end (“heel”) had a thickened and rounded shape; when using a chopper, this end was clamped in the palm of a person. The maximum dimensions of a hand chopper are 20 cm, weight 2.5 kg.

The purpose of hand axes is not completely clear: apparently, it was a hunting and kitchen tool. Hand axes were used to finish off hunted animals and split their bones to extract bone marrow, cut tendons to separate meat from bones, pierce and scrape the skin of animals, dig up the roots of edible plants and tubers, and cut branches from a tree trunk.

The Abbeville culture used fire and could build temporary shelters from stones and branches. 300 thousand years ago the total human population was about 1 million people.

Guns Abbeville culture, found in Spain.

Klektonian culture

Klektonian culture, English. Clactonian culture is one of the oldest archaeological cultures of the Lower Paleolithic, which existed in Western Europe about 550-475 thousand years ago. Most of the artefacts were found in the Thames basin. The name comes from an eponymous site near the town of Clacton-on-Sea in Great Britain, Essex, where flint tools of this culture were found.

Characteristic of this culture was that its representatives looked for flint “semi-finished products”, close in shape to finished tools, after which they “modified” them by breaking off small pieces. In this way they made scrapers, burins and other tools.

Apparently, Klektonian tools coexisted with Acheulian ones, which were made using identical technology, but which also included hand stone axes made by double-cutting flint.

In the 1990s. A number of researchers have come out with the point of view that the difference between the Clectonian and Acheulean industries was imaginary. In their opinion, the Klektonian industry coincided with the Acheulean one, and the absence of stone axes in the “Klektonian” finds was explained by the lack of need for them, or by the quality of local raw materials for the manufacture of Paleolithic tools.

However, in 2004, excavations at the Southfleet Road site in Kent uncovered a Pleistocene elephant butchered by primitive people. Numerous Klektonian tools were discovered near the elephant, among which, however, stone axes were still missing.

Since a stone ax would have been a much more convenient tool for hunting elephants than a simple flake, the find is considered strong evidence that the Clectonian industry developed independently of the Acheulean one.

The area where the elephant was found was abundant in flint raw materials of suitable quality for making stone axes, so it must be assumed that the people who hunted this elephant did not know the technology for making double-sided stone axes.

Proponents of the hypothesis that the Clectonian industry existed independently of the Acheulian industry point out the lack of concrete evidence of a relationship between the two industries, and the origin of several tools that allegedly indicate such a relationship is controversial.

The traditional view that the Clectonian industry predates the Acheulean industry is now increasingly being challenged, as Acheulean tools have been discovered at Boxgrove in Sussex and High Lodge in Suffolk in strata associated with the English Stage - a glaciation that preceded the Hoxnian stage, and therefore , and Klektonian culture. But regardless of whether the Acheulean and Klektonian tools belonged to a common culture or to different ones, cultural contacts certainly existed between their creators.

Acheulean culture

Acheulean culture (1.6 million - 150 (-120) thousand years ago) - the culture of the Early Paleolithic. It arose on the basis of the Chelles or (if the Chelles are considered as the early period of the Acheulean) Olduvai culture. The first human culture to leave Africa. In Eurasia it is replaced by the Mousterian culture, and in Africa by the Sangoi culture.

It was distributed in Africa, Western Europe (Saint-Acheul in France and Torralba in Spain), the North Caucasus, Kazakhstan (Borykazgan and Tanirkazgan sites), the Middle East (Gesher Bnot Yaakov) and Korea (Chongonni site).

Acheulean hand ax from Dashtadem 3 (Armenia)

MIDDLE PALEOLITHIC

Mousterian culture

The culture of the angelic type is being replaced by a new culture, Mousterian (Mousterian is a cave on the banks of the Veser River, in France, where a site of ancient people, the so-called Neanderthals, was found, more highly developed and having more developed technology than the most ancient people of the beginning of the Lower Paleolithic (including Sinanthropus) (100-40 thousand years ago), which is sometimes distinguished from the Lower Paleolithic into a special “Middle Paleolithic”.

The Mousterian culture is widespread not only where the Acheulean people lived, but also in places where the people of the Chelles and Acheulean times did not go. Such a widespread settlement of Mousterian man, although he now lived in much less favorable conditions than his predecessors, was possible because he was able to overcome the difficulties that arose thanks to the development of culture.

Highly developed monkeys - the closest ancestors of man, who lived at the end of the Tertiary and at the beginning of the Quaternary period, as well as primitive people such as Sinanthropus and his immediate descendants everywhere existed in a relatively mild climate, in fairly favorable conditions for life.

Over time, significant changes occurred in the natural environment that surrounded primitive people. Due to insufficiently clarified reasons, the action of which in one way or another covers the entire globe and all continents, periods of glacial advance begin, separated from each other by breaks (interglacial periods). The pattern of alternation of ice ages in the Alps is clearer and better developed, where it has a classical character in its clarity and completeness. The history of glaciation of the Alps and the adjacent part of Europe is divided into the stages of Günz, Mindel, Ries and Würm. They are separated by interglacial periods, respectively called Günz-Mindel, Mindel-Ries, Riess-Würm. The Würm stage is divided by Western researchers into four more stages. A number of scientists outline three stages of glaciation for the territory of the USSR: Likhvin, Dnieper (maximum), Valdai. The first of them corresponds, in general, to the Mindel period of the Alpine scheme, the second to the Rissky period, and the third to the Würm period.

The existence of Mousterian man in Europe and its neighboring countries dates back to the time of maximum glaciation in these countries, to the Rissky, or Dnieper, stage of the Ice Age. To visualize the scale of these events and their significance for the history of Paleolithic man, it should be borne in mind that continuous ice masses then stretched from the British Isles in the west and almost to the Ob in the east. The ice cover reached the areas where the cities of Molotov and Kirov are now located on the territory of the European part of our country, then dropped steeply to 50° N. sh., which it crossed in two places, jutting out to the south with wide protrusions-tongues, reaching the areas of the current cities of Stalingrad and Dnepropetrovsk, and then retreated somewhat to the north-west.

The area of ​​the ice sheet exceeded 9.5 million square meters. km. Its thickness reached, according to geologists’ calculations, 2 km. Slowly moving layers of ice leveled the hills, plowed through the valleys and destroyed all life in their path. The heat-loving vegetation of the past in the area immediately adjacent to the glaciers has disappeared. The corresponding animals also became extinct or moved south, to places more favorable for them. They are being replaced by a new animal world. Instead of the “southern elephant fauna,” a new, “mammoth fauna” is widely distributed, represented in addition to the mammoth by woolly rhinoceros, reindeer, arctic fox and other animals. This process was lengthy and uneven in its pace in different areas. Heat-loving fauna continued to exist for a long time in southern Europe, in Italy and in those countries (for example, in Africa) where catastrophic changes in climate did not occur during the Quaternary period. In the south, then came the time of rains and downpours (pluvial period), when the present Sahara was covered with lakes, rivers and grassy plains, interspersed with dense groves of tropical trees.

Stone scraper

Neanderthal man

The man of the Mousterian time, in many of his characteristics, was already significantly higher than the most ancient people such as Pithecanthropus, Sinanthropus and Heidelberg man. The remains of people from the Mousterian period were first discovered in Europe in 1856 in the Neanderthal Valley (Germany). Then new finds followed - in Spain, Belgium, Yugoslavia, France, Italy. On the territory of the USSR, the bones of people of the Mousterian period were discovered in the Kiik-Koba cave in Crimea, in the Teshik-Tash grotto (Uzbekistan). In other countries outside Europe, such remains were found in Palestine, Iraq, South Africa, and Java. In their physical structure, the people of Mousterian times often show very significant differences from each other, which is why they are divided into separate groups. Excellent, for example, are the Palestinian finds, on the one hand, and the European ones (“Chapelles” (Named after a skeleton found in a cave near the village of La Chapelle-aux-Saints (France).)) on the other. European finds also differ from each other. But in general, they have so much in common that all these ancient people of the Mousterian time are usually referred to by one common name - Neanderthals (based on finds in Neanderthal).

Judging by European finds, the Neanderthal was of a stocky build with a massive skeleton and powerful muscles. His height was small, not exceeding 155-165 cm for men. Since the Neanderthal’s body was relatively short, and the curves of the spine were weakly expressed, it is possible that he walked with a stoop and ran slightly bent to the ground.

This gait is evidenced by the massive foot bones of a Neanderthal from the Kiik-Koba cave in Crimea. The Neanderthal hands found in the Kiik-Koba cave turned out to be paw-shaped. Features of the Neanderthal skull: low, sloping forehead, as if “running” back, strongly protruding brow ridges, merging into a continuous supraorbital ridge. The upper jaw protrudes strongly forward, the incisors are large, spade-shaped. There is no chin protrusion. The brain of Neanderthals - and this is much more important than the external features of the skull relief - was already significantly developed. In addition to its significant volume (1300-1600 cubic cm), its structure also shows signs of further evolution. On casts made from the internal cavity of Neanderthal skulls, the development of individual lobes of the brain associated with the location of centers of higher mental activity is clearly visible: the frontal lobes increase, the parietal lobe grows.

According to the development of the brain, the cranial vault increases, the slope of the forehead decreases, the back of the head rounds, i.e., features are discovered that further connect the Neanderthal with modern man. Such features, as we will see later, were most clearly expressed in Neanderthals, whose remains were found in Palestine.

Mousterian stone tools

Neanderthal did not die out and did not retreat south before the cold breath of glaciers. On the contrary, he continued to continuously settle into new areas and further develop his culture, first of all, to improve tools and the technique of their manufacture.

Ancient hand axes, made by chipping a boulder, are still occasionally found in the Mousterian layers, but the decisive importance belongs to tools made by the “cleaving technique” from plates and flakes chipped from a disc-shaped core (core). The chipping technique is being improved. If earlier the cores had irregular outlines, now they acquire definite and stable shapes in the form of disks, which ensured the correct outlines of the blades and flakes.

In addition, during the Mousterian period, special attention was paid to the special preparation of the cores that were struck. The outstanding Russian archaeologist V. A. Gorodtsov clearly demonstrated the importance of such an operation in a series of systematic experiments he carried out on the manufacture of flint tools. “Noticing that the long fragments that I broke off from the core were thicker at the bottom, and often broke before reaching the lower base of the core, I began to trim the lower ends of the cores, and the job went well. A precisely directed blow to a certain point on the impact plane of the core is of decisive importance, but achieving such a blow in practice is often hampered by the imperfect forms of the chippers, the working ends of which are usually uneven and thick, often completely covering the intended impact points, due to which the fragments are knocked off either too thick or too thick. thin, small. In general, I still managed to overcome the difficulties encountered, and I was able to work all forms of tools found in Mousterian-type sites,” wrote V. A. Gorodov about his experiments.

Thus, the undercutting of cores, characteristic of the Mousterian time, was of great importance in improving the technique of flint splitting and provided the necessary form of blanks for the manufacture of Mousterian tools - blades and flakes. Neanderthal man also used the flint retouching technique more skillfully and confidently than his predecessors. He no longer follows the ready-made outlines of the flakes, but gives them a certain appropriate shape.

A direct indication of the development of retouching techniques are the “anvils” that first appeared in Mousterian times, usually pieces of animal bones covered with gouges as a result of pressure on them from the sharp edge of flint products during processing. Such “anvils” were apparently used when applying subtle and careful retouching to the blades of tools, which became more and more widespread in Mousterian times. The nature of the tools themselves changed significantly during the Mousterian period. The shapes of tools become not only more stable and defined, but also significantly more differentiated.

Large, bilaterally processed points of triangular or almond-shaped shapes could serve as universal cutting tools, as well as daggers. Double-pointed tips could be attached to the end of a long wooden spear. The small plate-like points were undoubtedly only cutting and piercing instruments. Among them, the most notable are the points, the convex edge of which is processed in such a way that fingers could rest against it when cutting. The scrapers of the Mousterian period also differ in their form and character; some of them served as scrapers, others as knives and scrapers themselves for processing hides. At the end of the Mousterian time, new forms of tools began to spread in the form of rough chisels, apparently intended for processing wood, and later bone. The improvement of stone processing techniques and the complication of a set of stone tools clearly reflect, thus, the continuous enrichment of the labor skills and production experience of the people of the Mousterian time, which underlay the progressive development of their entire culture.

Artificial fire production. Economic life

The fact that the people of Mousterian times, in new, much more severe conditions, spread even wider than before is obviously explained by their new most important achievement - the invention of methods for artificially producing fire. Sinanthropus already knew how to systematically use fire, as mentioned earlier, and this was a great achievement of ancient man; but fire received by man by accident was used. During his work, a person noticed that sparks appear from the impact of stone on stone, and heat is released when drilling wood; this is what he used. It is impossible to say when and where exactly man first developed methods of artificially producing fire, but Neanderthals, apparently, had already firmly mastered them in various areas of the globe. The progressive development of man of the Mousterian time is found primarily in the economic field. Hunting was once one of the most important sources of existence for ancient people. Now it rises to the level of the leading occupation, leaving behind gathering, which should have been much more important among the most ancient people, the predecessors of the Neanderthals due to the imperfection of their hunting tools.

Of particular interest for understanding the economic life of Mousterian man is the fact that in a number of cases a certain specialization of ancient hunters is observed: they hunt primarily for certain animals, which is, of course, due to nothing more than natural conditions and the associated abundance certain types of animals.

At the Ilskaya site (North Caucasus), bison bones accounted for at least 60% of the mass of animal bones. It is believed that bones belonging to at least 2 thousand bison can be found here. In the highlands of the Alps, they mainly hunted such a predator, distinguished by its strength, enormous size and fury, as the cave bear. Equally revealing are the finds in the Teshik-Tash grotto in Southwestern Uzbekistan. Judging by the tubular bones of animals, broken and split to extract the brain, often even finely crushed, discovered during excavations in huge quantities, the people from Teshik-Tash were skilled and dexterous hunters. The most important source of subsistence for the inhabitants of the grotto was hunting mountain goats - kieks, a difficult, complex and dangerous task even for modern man, who is immeasurably better armed. The main weapon of Neanderthal man was apparently a spear. Thus, in the La Quina cave, in France, animal bones with sharp fragments of flint embedded in them were discovered.

Such wounds were apparently inflicted by a spear with a flint tip. On one of the Neanderthal bones found in the Es-Skhul cave (Palestine), traces of a wound inflicted by a wooden spear without a stone tip were found. As you can see, the weapon pierced the victim’s thigh with such terrible force that it pierced through the head of the femur and came out with its end into the pelvic cavity. The weapons of the Mousterian hunters were still very primitive.

The decisive importance should have been not individual, but collective hunting techniques that united all members of each Mousterian group. Such round-up hunts were especially widespread in rugged areas, where animals were driven to cliffs, falling from which they were killed or injured. Such, for example, is the area in the vicinity of the Teshik-Tash grotto, whose inhabitants hunted mountain goats.

The improvement of technology and the development of hunting, naturally, should have contributed to the further improvement of general living conditions, including the more or less long-term settlement of groups of people in places convenient for hunting and rich in game. Consolidating the achievements of his predecessors, Mousterian man not only widely developed caves as natural dwellings with ready-made walls and vaults, but constantly created open-air settlements for more or less long periods. Where there were no caves, in the harsh conditions of that time, the simplest shelters from rain, wind and cold were undoubtedly built in the form of barriers or canopies.

The beginnings of the tribal system

Joint labor activity, a common home, a common fire that warmed its inhabitants - all this, with natural necessity, rallied and united people. The strengthening of social ties caused by the need to unite people to fight nature is clearly evidenced by the entire situation of the Mousterian settlements, their entire culture, all traces of their activity, including even such seemingly ordinary and inexpressive finds from this side as “kitchen waste” "in the form of thousands or even tens of thousands of animal bones found in the cave dwellings of Neanderthals and at their open-air sites. They show how man gradually overcame the animal egoism inherited from the prehuman state.

Rock painting

Unlike animals, man no longer cared only about himself and not only about his own children, but also about the entire community. Instead of eating the prey at the hunting site, Mousterian hunters carried it to a cave, where women, children and the elderly remained busy with housework around a blazing fire. The custom of collective distribution of food and joint consumption, characteristic of the primitive communal system at all its stages, is clearly evidenced by all the ethnographic material known to science.

It is very likely that it was at this time that the transition to a new form of social life begins. The first rudiments of the most ancient form of clan society, the maternal clan community, that is, a collective connected by ties of kinship, emerge. Due to the form of marriage relations that existed at that time, only the mother of the child was indisputably known, which, along with the active role of the woman in economic life (gathering, participation in hunting) or her role as the keeper of the fire, determined. her high social position. By this time, the forms of marriage relations had already gone a long way in development, although it is difficult to say with certainty what level they had reached. Initially, as noted earlier, relations between the sexes, apparently, were of a nature unregulated by social rules. The further development of the family followed the line of narrowing the circle of persons participating in marital communication, first of all by limiting marital communication between the generation of parents and children, then between half-brothers and sisters, etc.

Development of Neanderthal thinking

There can be no doubt that the progressive development of labor and society caused corresponding progressive changes in the consciousness and thinking of primitive man.

There are idealistic theories that try to prove that the thinking of primitive man was supposedly completely irrational and mystical, that our distant ancestors supposedly had completely false, fundamentally incorrect, completely distorted and fantastic ideas about reality. However, it is enough to become familiar with the actual process of development of primitive man and his culture to be convinced of the opposite.

It is absolutely clear that if the content of the consciousness of our primitive ancestors were not real ideas that correspond to objective reality and are fundamentally a true reflection of the laws and phenomena of the real world, but only some mystical ideas and groundless fantasy, then humanity would not. could continue to develop successfully. If the consciousness of primitive man to some extent did not reflect objective reality in its present and true form, he would not be able to resist the forces of nature and would ultimately become their victim.

Having so-called mystical thinking, man would not be able to make his tools and improve them. The path from ignorance to knowledge, from vague, unclear, and false ideas about reality to more accurate and true ideas was, of course, extremely slow and difficult. But precisely because this positive knowledge, which lay at the basis of man’s conscious activity and at the basis of his thinking, consistently grew and became enriched, man went forward and forward.

The development of the consciousness of primitive man was based on the consistent growth of his work activity, his daily work practice, as the only source of knowledge and a criterion for the reliability of ideas about the world around him. The development of the mind of Neanderthal man is particularly clearly reflected in the further improvement of his tools.

The more complex mental activity of Mousterian man compared to his primitive ancestors is evidenced by the presence of skillfully executed colorful spots and stripes at the end of Mousterian time. These are rather wide stripes of red paint, applied by the hand of a Neanderthal man across a small slab of stone discovered during excavations of a Mousterian settlement in the La Ferrassie cave (France). Neanderthal man could not yet draw or sculpt the figure of an animal. However, already at the end of the Mousterian period, the first attempts were noticeable to deliberately change the shape of the stone, not only in order to make tools out of it.

In the Mousterian deposits, slabs of stone with skillfully carved indentations, the so-called “cup stones,” were discovered. On the slab from La Ferrassie, the cup recesses were located not individually, but in a compact group and, moreover, in such a way that some kind of connection is revealed in their placement.

Of course, it would be wrong to overestimate and exaggerate the degree of development of abstract thinking in Neanderthals. It should be emphasized even more sharply that primitive man was not at all free from false, incorrect ideas about himself and about the world around him, since he took only the first steps from ignorance to knowledge, since every hour, every minute he felt his weakness in the fight against nature and dependence on its elements.

Early burials

Many idealistically-minded philosophers and historians strive to present religion as the highest manifestation of the human spirit, the ideological achievement of humanity, the “crown of its development.” From this point of view, religion could not have arisen in distant primitive times; it should have appeared only in a fully formed and highly developed person, “completing” his achievements in the field of spiritual culture. Other reactionary philosophers and idealist historians are trying, on the contrary, to prove the “eternity” of religion. They argue that already at the very initial stages of his ancient development, man not only had a religion, but also received, as if by “divine revelation,” faith in a single god - the creator of the universe and the source of all goods on earth. In fact, such religious ideas arise only during the long development of human society, in a class society, and the initial religious beliefs that arise among primitive man are extremely primitive. Both of these reactionary, idealistic points of view are completely refuted by the entire course of the primitive history of mankind. They are exposed by facts, archaeological data, revealing the actual time and specific conditions in which the beginnings of primitive religious beliefs arose. In fact, religion arose as a result of the oppression of primitive man by the forces of nature, as a fantastic reflection of this weakness and humiliation. Data on the most ancient burials appearing in Mousterian times provide factual material about the emergence of the beginnings of these primitive religious fantastic beliefs. Researchers have discovered more than 20 cases of burials of Neanderthal bodies. The most remarkable of them are noted in Spi (Belgium, near Namur); in the Boufia cave, near the village of La Chapelle aux Saintes, Yves, La Ferrassie (France), where the remains of 6 skeletons were found; on Mount Carmel, in the caves of Et-Tabun and Es-Skhul (Palestine), where the remains of 12 skeletons were discovered. In the USSR, Mousterian burials were found in the Crimea, in the Kiik-Koba cave, and in Central Asia, in the Teshik-Tash grotto. In all these cases, the bodies were deliberately buried in the ground. The burial place was caves, which were the dwellings of people, but burials outside caves are not excluded. In some caves, burials were carried out more than once. Sometimes the corpses of the dead were placed, perhaps in ready-made recesses, in “sleeping” pits. In other cases, special holes were dug for this purpose, and even with considerable effort. Both the corpses of adult men and women and the corpses of children were buried. In some cases, burials of two skeletons of adults located nearby, as well as the skeletons of a child and a woman are observed (Kiik-Koba cave, in Crimea). A certain position of the bones in the graves is also established: they usually lie with their legs bent, that is, in a slightly crouched position. In some cases, both arms or one of them are bent at the elbow, and the hands are near the face. This pose resembles the position of a sleeping person. Thus, in the middle and at the end of the Mousterian time, to which the listed burials belong, for the first time a certain and completely new attitude towards the dead appeared, expressed in intentional and already quite complex in nature actions - in the burials of corpses. The basis of this attitude was, undoubtedly, concern for a fellow member of one’s collective, arising from the entire life structure of the primitive community, from all the unwritten laws and norms of behavior of that time. This was an indisputable expression of that feeling of inextricable blood ties between relatives, which runs like a red thread through the entire primitive era of human history. But this concern for the deceased member of the primitive community was based here on false ideas about the person himself, about life and death. These, presumably, were the first beginnings of fantastic, fundamentally incorrect ideas, on the basis of which ideas about the “soul” and the “afterlife” that continues after death, which are one of the most important sources, and then an indispensable component of each, subsequently develop. religion. It should be emphasized that before the Mousterian time there are no traces of intentional human burial. In earlier times, which include the skeletal remains of Pithecanthropus, Sinanthropus and ancient people close to the latter, there was no concern for the dead. From this it is clear that there can be no talk of any “primordial religion”; The first traces of the intentional burial of human corpses appear only 500-600 thousand years after the beginning of the emergence of man. Religious beliefs are not “inherent in human nature,” not “inherent in human thinking,” as idealists of various persuasions claim. Religious beliefs arise under certain social conditions, change, and then disappear depending on changes in these conditions. Mousterian time was a natural transitional stage from the most ancient period of human history to a new period, to the time of primitive matriarchal communities. This was a period when there was a process of gradual accumulation of new elements in people’s lives, which then gave its results in a significant and even unexpected at first glance, but quite natural from the point of view of a materialistic understanding of history, rise of culture in the subsequent Upper Paleolithic time.

Sangoi culture

Sangoi culture -- Paleolithic African culture, similar in technological level Mousterian culture Eurasia or transition to the upper Paleolithic. Appeared on the basis Acheulean culture in South Africa 100-500 thousand years ago (the exact age is not determined) and then spread north to Angola, pool Congo River and to the shores of Lake Victoria.

SANGO ( Sangoan), Central African Paleolithic industry...

Aterian culture

Aterian archaeological culture. 90,000 - 30,000 - 21,000 years ago. Northern Sahara and Atlas Mountains region (NW Africa) . ). The few artifacts found are believed to have been created by Homo sapiens but a very early type, in which some external morphological similarity with Neanderthals appears. The remains of only a few skeletons have been found so far. More than a dozen sites are known, whose age ranges from 20 to 90 thousand years. Stone tools were made using the Levallois technique. To strengthen them, a wooden handle was attached, including using a spear and arrows with stone tips. The Aterian culture was one of the first to introduce the bow and arrow. Decorations in the form of mollusk shells, painted with ocher and with holes for stringing, were also found.

30.000 l. n. in Eastern and Central Sahara there was a community of Paleolithic Atera tribes. In these same places, the onion was subsequently invented and brought to Eurasia.

Aterian scraper

Emirian culture-- culture Middle Paleolithic, turning into Upper Paleolithic. Was distributed to Middle East 36-47 thousand years ago. Grew from a local variant of culture Mousterian and evolved into the Ahmarians - a local culture of the Upper Paleolithic

UPPER PALEOLITHIC

Baradostan culture

The Baradostan culture is an early Upper Paleolithic archaeological culture in the Zagros Mountains region on the border of Iran and Iraq. Replaces the local version of the Mousterian culture. According to radiocarbon dating, its age is about 36 thousand years. The relationship of the Baradostan culture with neighboring cultures remains unclear. Considered an early variant of the Aurignacian culture. Was replaced by the Zarzian culture, possibly due to cooling during the last phase of the Ice Age.

Chatelperon culture

Chatelperon culture (fr. Chвtelperronien) - an archaeological culture of the Late Paleolithic in Western Europe, intermediate between Mousterian and Solutre. Early part of the Périgordian culture. In its pure form, this culture is known only in France.

For Chatelperonian The culture is characterized by a special technique for processing plates, namely steep retouching along the edge, flint points (chatelperon type) with a rounded back. Human remains associated with this culture were discovered in the Saint-Cesaire deposit (western France).

Scientifically dated to 35,000-29,000 BC. BC e. Chatelperon dates from the Wurm I/II interstadial.

For Western Europe, the beginning of the Upper Paleolithic is associated with a culture named after its French location, Chatelperon (French. Chвtelperronien). In its pure form, this culture is known only in France, namely in southwestern and central France.

Chatelperon stone tools

Chatelperon, the earliest Upper Paleolithic industry in southwestern and central France, borrows some elements from the previous Mousterian tradition.

A characteristic tool of this culture is the “Chatelperon knife” made of flint with a straight cutting edge and a blunt, bent back.

It is characterized by a special technique for processing plates, namely, steep retouching along the edge, flint points (chatelperon type) with a rounded back.

In the stone industry, with its striking features of the Upper Paleolithic (such as the presence of incisors), the old types of scrapers and points characteristic of the late Mousterian are still preserved. The connection between the Mousterian culture and the Chatelperon is also in the fact that on monuments that date back to the late Mousteron (for example, the Abri-Audi area in France), forms already appear from which the tools typical of the Chatelperon developed (asymmetrical points with an arched edge, which retouched).

Jewelry was also common.

Seletian culture(no data)

Kostenki-Streltsy archaeological culture

The Kostenki-Streltsy archaeological culture is the oldest culture of the Kostenki complex of Paleolithic sites in the Khokholsky district of the Voronezh region (Kostenki XII - IA layer, Kostenki XI - 5th layer). One of the transitional cultures between the Middle and Upper Paleolithic, along with similar cultures of Eastern and Central Europe. Age: 30 - 32 thousand years. The Kostenki-Streltsy culture is characterized by above-ground dwellings up to 35 m long and up to 9 m wide, the production of sculptural images of women, hoes, etc.

Kostenki-Streltsy culture(it is often called Streletskaya for short) is one of the oldest in the Kostenkovo-Borshevsky region (Paleolithic USSR, 1984, pp. 179-181). Its name comes from the settlements of the Middle Don - Kostenki and Strelitsa. Finds related to this culture lie both in the lower humus layer under the volcanic ash, and above it - at the very beginning of the upper humus layer. That is, this culture, according to stratigraphy, is one of the ancient ones, and it dates back to the interglacial period. It dates back more than 32 thousand years ago, and continued to exist during the heyday of the Paleolithic (approximately 24-17 thousand years ago).

What are the stone implements of this ancient Paleolithic culture? Let us remember that the sequence of stone processing by an ancient stonecutter is as follows: 1 - primary processing (splitting the workpiece, giving it its original, desired shape); 2 - secondary processing (giving the final shape to the product through additional chips and retouching). The end result is a specific set of tools needed for some purpose.

Aurignacian culture

The Aurignacian culture is an archaeological culture of the early stage of the Late Paleolithic.

Named after excavations in the Aurignac cave in the Haute-Garonne department (France). First identified at the beginning of the 20th century.

The Aurignacian culture in the narrow sense of the word is widespread in France, where it is radiocarbon dated to 33-19 millennium BC. e., replaces the Mousterian culture, coexists with the Périgordian culture and is replaced by the Solutrean culture.

There are different versions of the origin of the Aurignacian culture:

1. from Pre-Aurignac (Middle Eastern version of Moustier)

2. from Mousterian La Quin

Aurignacian culture in the broad sense of the word is represented in a number of countries in Western and Central Europe. The Aurignacian culture is characterized by flint blades with retouching and notches along the edges, scrapers, core-shaped tools, fairly developed bone processing (in particular, bone spearheads with a dissected base), remains of long-term dwellings and relatively developed fine arts.

At this time, the first works of primitive art began to appear, which were schematic outline drawings of animal heads, usually performed on limestone slabs, found in the caves of La Ferrassie in France.

Also interesting are the reliefs carved on limestone slabs found in the Lossel caves in France. One of these plates depicts a hunter throwing a spear, others depict women, while the rest are occupied by images of animals being hunted.

Aurignacian scrapers

Dufour scraper

The people of the Aurignacian culture lived in a cold climate. They hunted mammoth, wild horse, reindeer, and woolly rhinoceros. During this era, permanent winter communal dwellings appeared for the first time. Their existence was proven by excavations carried out by Soviet archaeologists P. P. Efimenko and S. N. Zamyatin in the late 20s and 30s. XX century

Gravettian culture

Gravettian culture ( Gravett, La Gravette, Lagravettskaya, Gravetyanskaya) - archaeological culture of the Late Paleolithic. Scientifically dates back to 28,000 - 21,000. BC e. Named after the cave La Gravette (fr. la Gravette) in the Dordogne department (France).

Gravettian parking The Czech Republic and Slovakia, Austria and France are dated 26-20 millennia BC. Gravettian is characterized by a rich set of tools; various points can be considered specific types, among which asymmetrical points with a side notch and knives with a back stand out. Microliths and composite tools appear. Various bone products: points, awls, spatulas, decorations. Gravettian monuments are characterized by the presence of numerous examples of small plastic art - figurines of women and animals made of tusk and bone, stone or clay.

The Gravettian culture is represented by a large number of monuments, which are divided into two groups, eastern and western, the question of their relationship is debatable.

Gravettian culture (from the Pyrenees to Lake Baikal)

Gravett: a - Gravettian plate with a blunt edge; b - tip...

Epigravettian culture

The Epigravettian culture, or more precisely, the Epigravettian horizon of the Upper Paleolithic, inherits the Gravettian culture in Italy and Eastern Europe and is defined by a specific stone tool industry.

Radiocarbon dating allows us to attribute the final phase of the Epigravettian culture to the Allerød warming. This means that the Epigravettian culture (or group of cultures) existed simultaneously with the final stage of the Solutrean and Magdalenian of western and central Europe, which existed in the period 19-10 thousand years ago.

Some monuments in Moldova belong to the early Epigravettian (20,000-17,000 years ago), others to the late (13,500 - 11,000 years ago). The dwelling at Dalmeri, located at the north-eastern end of the Seven Communes plateau (Trente, Italy), contains traces of the terminal phase of the late Epigravettian. Also, traces of epigravettian were found in the southeast of Sicily, as well as in northern Africa.

Since the discovery of the first Epigravettian monuments at the end of the 19th century by archaeologist E. Riviere - the burials of children in Balzi Rossi (Liguria, Italy), the Epigravettian people have been considered as one of the last hunter-gatherer cultures of the late (Upper) Paleolithic.

In the period 1991-2005, numerous stones painted with ocher, with naturalistic and schematic images, were discovered in various places, which made it possible to expand the understanding of the spiritual practice of the people of the Epigravettian culture.

Solutremyskaya cultmra

Solutremyskaya kultumra is an archaeological culture of the mid-Late Paleolithic. It was distributed throughout France and Northern Spain. It got its name from the Solutre site in France (Saône-et-Loire department). It replaced the Aurignacian and Périgordian cultures and was replaced by the Magdalenian culture. The radiocarbon method dates back to 18-15 thousand years BC. e. Was allocated in the late 60s. XIX in G. Mortilla. The Solutrean culture is characterized by skillfully made flint (so-called Solutrean) tips in the shape of a laurel or willow leaf with a notch, processed on both sides with perfect pressing retouch.

This method of processing flint consisted of the following: using a bone squeezer, thin flakes were chipped from the surface of the tool. This method originated earlier, but reached its peak precisely in the Solutrean era.

It made it possible to make arrow and spear tips as thin as later iron tips of the same size. Some of the tips were intended for spears and darts, some for knives and daggers.

Also found at Solutrean sites were flint scrapers, burins, piercings, points, bone tips, needles with eyes, hooks, wands, works of art, etc. The area of ​​distribution of a typical Solutrean culture is Central and Southern France. But at the same time, an independent center for the spread of a similar culture existed in Eastern and Northern Spain and Portugal.

In Northern France, Belgium and England there are monuments typologically close to the early phase of the Solutrean culture, but more developed industry is rarely found here or is completely absent. In a number of Late Paleolithic sites in Central Europe and the European part of Russia, certain similarities with the Solutrean culture were also discovered. One of the modern theories suggests the penetration of the Solutrean culture into North America, where they created the Clovis culture (the so-called Solutrean hypothesis, proposed in 1998 and suggesting that it was people from Europe who were the first settlers in America). A local variant of the Solutrean culture is the Grimaldi culture.

Badegul culture

Badegul culture, French. Badegoulien-- material culture, or stone industry of the Upper Paleolithic era. Previously designated as "ancient Magdalenian culture". It differs from the Magdalenian culture proper, in the strict sense of the term, from a technological point of view (processing of axes) and typologically (prehistoric scrapers are found in abundance, burins are rare).

The Badegul culture dates back to 19,000 - 17,000 years ago. Artifacts characteristic of it were discovered in the territory from the Franco-Cantabrian region to Switzerland and Germany.

As a result of recent research, regional variants of Badegul culture have been identified:

· Mediterranean version: scrapers, stone knives with retouching and various prehistoric objects;

Cantabrian version: scrapers, awls, stone knives;

· Aquitanian version: consists of two stages:

o ancient stage: gear tools, drills, scrapers, awls;

o late stage: numerous scrapers.

archaeological culture Neanderthal paleolithic

Madeleine culture

Madeleine culture (Madeleine culture, fr. Magdalеnien) -- culture Late Paleolithic; was distributed throughout the area France, Spain, Switzerland, Belgium, Germany. Age -- 15 --8 thousand years The culture bearers hunted reindeer, wild horses and other types of large animals that lived in Europe at the end of ice age.

A variety of flint burins, piercers, and scrapers predominate. Bone processing is highly developed.

Characteristic carvings on horn and bone, sculpture of horn, bone and tusk mammoth, engraved and other images on the walls and ceilings of caves. As development progressed, there was a transition to microliths, that is, small tools made of stone. Madeleine hunters lived mainly in caves, as well as in dwellings made of bones and skins.

The Magdalenian culture in a broad sense covers the final stage of the development of the Late Paleolithic culture of the entire European periglacial region from France to Cisurals. The Magdalenian population left behind magnificent cave art and bone objects, including perforated staffs decorated with artistic carvings, three-dimensional figures of people and animals, finely finished points, personal jewelry in the form of perforated sea shells and animal teeth (probably beads). The walls of the caves in which the Magdalenian culture lived, for example, Lascaux caves And Altamira, decorated picturesque paintings .

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The Late Magdalenian cultures of Northwestern Europe, transitional from the Magdalenian to the Mesolithic, include the Creswell culture in England and the Remouchamps culture in Belgium. The Creswell culture is named for a series of caves (Creswell Crags) on the border of Derbshire and Nottinghamshire. The layers of the Late Paleolithic time are close to the Late Magdalenian monuments of Germany and the Netherlands (Arensburg and Federmesser cultures). Bone figurines and an image of a horse's head engraved on bone were found. In the Mesolithic layers of the Krezvel localities, microlithic tools were already found.

The Remouchamp culture (named after the Remouchamp grotto near Liege) contains points with an obliquely truncated blade in the form of knives, incisors with a handle and some bone products. All the inventory is close to that of the Arensburg culture. The main occupation of the population was hunting deer and other animals. There are bones decorated with geometric patterns, sometimes in the form of a star with a rectangle or triangle in the center. The ornament is made by drilling dots. Hunting was the main source of food resources for Magdalenian man, since in the harsh climate it was impossible to count on collecting any fruits other than berries. It has been suggested that the Magdalenian people may have domesticated and kept deer and horses as pets, but there is no evidence of this yet.

Major shifts in the development of productive forces during the Upper Paleolithic era should have entailed changes in the organization of society. The primitive human herd was replaced by a maternal clan community. The assumption of the existence of such a form of social organization is based on indirect archaeological evidence, such as the existence of large communal dwellings (similar to the long houses of the Iroquois), numerous finds of female figurines, and on the following logical reasoning: given the low level of human development at that time, the only real basis for strengthening social ties could be ties of consanguinity.

Given the disorder of sexual intercourse, kinship relationships could only be established between the descendants of the same mother. Women were responsible for caring for children, maintaining the fire, and running the household. Therefore, they constituted the most stable part of the teams of that time. The defining feature of a related group was the custom of exogamy, that is, the prohibition of sexual intercourse within the clan. Probably at the same time a dual organization arose - a combination of two exogamous groups into one intermarital association, the embryo of an endogamous tribe.

There is, however, another point of view, according to which the main and comprehensive social organism of primitive society was not the clan, but the community. Paleolithic villages supposedly represent such a community. The community carried out the daily life of people in all its manifestations. This is a production cooperation, and a household, and a religious group. The existence of such a community from the very beginning is associated with the existence of a paired family within the community, while the clan does not consist of families. This point of view is substantiated mainly by ethnographic parallels, and we have almost no archaeological evidence in its favor, except for the finds of dwellings with separate hearths.

G.P. Grigoriev believes that the tribal system arose in Mousterian times, and perhaps even in the Acheulean. The main form of organization of the Mousterians was the “pre-tribe”, which united a number of communities. In the Upper Paleolithic, the place of “pre-tribes” was taken by tribes.

The basis of this concept is the assertion that differences in tool making techniques and shapes reflect tribal divisions.

This statement in itself is controversial, but even if we accepted it, many unresolved questions would remain that would prevent us from recognizing the existence of tribes in such a distant past. As for the Upper Paleolithic cultures, they hardly correspond to tribes. Rather, these are some groups of related tribes, the cultural elements of which became similar as a result of diffusion. The tribes, as far as we know them from ethnographic data, could not occupy such significant territories as those in which monuments of even the smallest of the Upper Paleolithic cultures are distributed.

Concluding the review of the archeology of Europe in the Paleolithic era, it is necessary to make the following remarks.

At the beginning of the development of Stone Age archeology, when Mortilier’s scheme was created (later somewhat supplemented and corrected), scientists considered the archaeological cultures - Chelle, Acheul, Mousterian, Aurignacian, Solutre and Madeleine - as certain stages in the development of technology, directly resulting from one another and marking technical and cultural evolution of humanity. True, even then the idea arose of some kind of contradiction between the logic of the historical process and archaeological facts. In the most ancient period of human history, when one can only assume the existence of separate, scattered, unconnected human groups, they turn out to have similar, almost identical technology. As humanity spreads and contacts develop, more and more local variants of the same culture appear. Most often, this contradiction was explained by the fact that in the initial stages the culture is so primitive that it is impossible to detect any significant differences. However, as archeology developed, more and more new discoveries showed that the Mortilier “cultures” were not universal even for the periglacial zone of Europe. In Western European archeology, more and more different archaeological cultures were introduced into the scientific literature and it became difficult to connect them with each other and consider them in the process of evolution of autochthonous cultures. Then they began to look for a way out in the assumption that these cultures appeared as a result of migrations of population groups from non-European territories. The assumption of migrations could explain, from the point of view of its supporters, the extraordinary leap in cultural development between the Middle and Upper Paleolithic. However, it is not always possible to find a place from which such a group could migrate. It is argued, for example, that Upper Paleolithic technology came to Europe from the east, from areas lying east of the Urals and the Caspian Sea. When asked why we do not know the corresponding source cultures from these areas, supporters of migrations answer: because they have not yet been discovered due to poor knowledge of these areas. This answer is hardly entirely convincing.

Many migration theories, including such a widespread one at one time as the theory about the arrival of carriers of the Aurignacian culture from Western Asia, turned out to be destroyed by new discoveries. But even if the migration of a certain population group is scientifically confirmed, this cannot in any way explain the multiplicity of Upper Paleolithic cultures. Yes, we don’t even know what these cultures ultimately represent. Differences in the shape of tools, observed simultaneously in different territories, may be associated with the traditions of the population groups (tribes?) living there, but may be caused by some local economic, environmental and other conditions. The shape of the tool was determined by its function and the achieved level of stone processing, but also by the material found in the area, the conditions of hunting and production (at the place of long-term or temporary residence), etc. Therefore, to attribute differences in the form of functionally unambiguous tools only to the traditions of this group population is incorrect. Archaeological cultures of the Upper Paleolithic may reflect tribal divisions, but this is not the only possible way to interpret them. Traditionality was characteristic of primitive production, but the absolutization of the idea of ​​traditionality, as well as the idea of ​​​​the sharp isolation of the tribe, contradicts data on the wide spread of similar cultural phenomena, which could only occur as a result of the adoption of alien traditions by certain groups of the population.

The problems of the origin of cultures are very complex and at the current stage of development of archeology are still often insoluble. Therefore, in characterizing individual European Paleolithic cultures, I tried to speak very carefully about their origin and mutual connections.

It is very difficult to get an idea of ​​the size of the population of Western Europe in the Lower and Middle Paleolithic. It is clear that it was very small. Mousterian sites are rare and indicate that the composition of individual population groups did not exceed 30-40 people. In the Upper Paleolithic there is a gradual increase in population with a large jump at the end of the Magdalenian. The sites of the end of the Madeleine are numerous, and, apparently, the increase in population was associated with new means of obtaining food - fishing, perhaps the invention of onions or methods of storing food - preserving meat by smoking. In one of the few demographic works, the author of which tries to calculate the size of the Paleolithic population in the entire ecumene, he honestly has to admit that there is almost no basis for a scientific discussion of such an issue.

Any archaeological culture is characterized by a set of different features. This is a funeral rite, features of material culture (house building, pottery, jewelry, etc.). But in the Upper Paleolithic era, when funeral rites are almost unknown, with rare exceptions, when there is no pottery, and evidence of house-building and jewelry making is sporadic, the most important feature that separates archaeological cultures is the method(s) of stone processing. They, these methods, were not the same, which was associated with different traditions inherited from different ancestors, different hunting conditions (for example, hunting a mammoth or a bird). For the Upper Paleolithic, as for almost the entire period of the Stone Age, the most important indicator of cultural differences was stone, the methods of its processing and the difference in the form of the resulting tools.

Kostenki-Streltsy culture(it is often called Streletskaya for short) is one of the oldest in the Kostenkovo-Borshevsky region (Paleolithic USSR, 1984, pp. 179-181). Its name comes from the settlements of the Middle Don - Kostenki and Strelitsa. Finds related to this culture lie both in the lower humus layer under the volcanic ash, and above it - at the very beginning of the upper humus layer. That is, this culture, according to stratigraphy, is one of the ancient ones, and it dates back to the interglacial period. It dates back more than 32 thousand years ago, and continued to exist during the heyday of the Paleolithic (approximately 24-17 thousand years ago).

What are the stone implements of this ancient Paleolithic culture? Let us remember that the sequence of stone processing by an ancient stonecutter is as follows: 1 - primary processing (splitting the workpiece, giving it its original, desired shape); 2 - secondary processing (giving the final shape to the product through additional chips and retouching). The end result is a specific set of tools needed for some purpose.

Researchers draw attention to the comparative primitiveness of the stone processing technique of the population of the Streltsy culture, which goes back to deep “Mousterian” antiquity (Mousterian), to the Neanderthal. This is evidenced, in particular, by the shape of the cores. It is “imperfect”: there are no cores of “modern form” (in the form of a truncated prism). Instead, there are cores from which the blanks were chipped not with vertical blows or squeezes, but with horizontal ones. The striking pads are uneven and sloping. This processing technique is typical of the Mousterian era, older and more primitive. Secondary stone processing is also more primitive - applying retouching.

The set of tools consists mainly of pointed points, side scrapers, massive bladed tools, scrapers, and leaf-shaped tools. There are also tools characteristic only of this culture - elegant triangular tips with a concave base.

In the later layers of the culture, new tools appeared (for example, piercing tools), rough and massive tools became a thing of the past, and tips with a concave base became more diverse. In other words, culture develops.

The dwelling of the Streltsy culture was also discovered. It was a light ground structure made of wood. Apparently, it was covered with animal skin. Stone and bones of large animals were not used for its construction. This type of housing was widespread in the first period of climate change throughout the Russian Plain.

Paleolithic researchers believe that the origin of the Streltsy culture is associated with the population of the southern regions - the Kuban and the interfluve of the river. Dniester. There are known monuments from the interglacial period, similar tools made of stone and techniques for processing them. This population moved to the northern regions - first to the Middle Don, then to the Oka. There, on the Oka, there is the famous Sungir site with a more developed culture than the Streltsy culture, but having much in common with it in the technique of stone processing and a set of stone tools. Because of this similarity, many people call it the “Streltsy culture,” and archaeologists associate the Sungir site with its origins with the population of the Streltsy culture. There is an assumption about the further advancement of this population to the north, to the banks of the river. Pechora (Kanivets, 1976; Bader, 1978).

How did the people of the Streltsy culture live? There is little data, but most of the bones at the sites belong to the wild horse, which was the main object of hunting. Weapon - a spear or dart with a flint tip. The Sungir people also used spears made from mammoth tusks, the striking force of which was enhanced by flint inserts.

But among the stone implements of the Streltsy culture, small tips were also found, the length of which was 2-2.5 cm. Others have a length from 3 to 6 cm. More than a hundred similar tips were discovered at one of the sites in Kostenki (Gmelinskaya). They completely replicate large spear and dart tips. Are these arrowheads? Paleolithicists A.N. Rogachev, N.D. Praslov, M.V. Anikovich believe that these are arrowheads (Praslov, 2006). The Gmelin site is more than 22 thousand years old. More than 400 arrowheads have been collected from the Solutrean layers of caves in Spain. In terms of their parameters and stalks, they are similar to the arrows of the Bronze Age. N.D. Praslov draws attention to the fact that in the rock paintings there are no large animals hit by arrows, but only medium-sized animals (a bow and arrow is most effective for medium-sized animals). Although the arrows are not depicted as clearly and clearly as we would like, there are no such arrow signs on rhinoceroses and mammoths. No remains of bows were found (these finds are absent or rare for other eras). It is difficult to isolate them in rock paintings due to the schematic nature of the images.

As a result, it is likely that the bow and arrow were invented long before the time “allotted” by scientists - 10 thousand years ago, at the end of the Ice Age. The bow and arrows could have been invented in connection with the need to effectively hunt fast horses, bison, and fur-bearing animals (Praslov, 2006, p. 41).

Kostenkovo-Spitsyno culture. Named after the locality and the surname of the famous Russian archaeologist - A.A. Spitsyn, who opened one of the sites near the village. Borshchevo. The finds of this culture lie in the same layer as the finds of the Streltsy culture. They are believed to have existed at the same time. How does this culture differ from the Streltsy culture?

During the initial processing (creation of cores), people of the Spitsyn culture received a more perfect core in the form of a truncated prism. Plates from such a core were chipped or split off by vertical chipping or spalling. The secondary processing technique is different (applying retouch). But the main thing is that the culture lacks Mousterian forms of tools and stone processing techniques. And in this regard, the culture seems to be more developed than Streltsy.

Why did people use different stone processing techniques at the same time? Some “dragged out” the legacy of the Neanderthals and outlived them for a long time, while others somehow immediately made the leap to more advanced tools and methods of processing them. The reasons for this phenomenon are unclear. According to A.N. Rogachev and M.V. Anikovich, this is due to different paths of transition from the Mousterian era to the late Paleolithic (Paleolithic of the USSR, p. 182). On this path there could be (or were absent), for example, traditions, habits, as well as the origin of people, their way of life. The example of the Spitsyn cult is not an isolated one. The same rapid leap from Moustier was made by the Aurignacian culture in France.

The set of animal bones is varied, and no species are singled out, like the horse in the Streltsy culture: mammoth, reindeer, bison, saiga, arctic fox, hare, horse, wolverine.

Above the volcanic ash in the upper humus (the period of the last warming) there are Paleolithic sites, which also belong to different cultures. The increasingly developing Streltsy culture continues to exist, increasingly freeing itself from the legacy of Mousterian, but new ones have also appeared. One of them is Gorodtsovskaya.

Gorodtsovskaya culture. In this new culture, the traditions of the Mousterian era are preserved. But what is noteworthy: the Mousterian stone processing technique is different among representatives of the Streltsy and Gorodtsov cultures. It is believed that the differences in the Streltsy and Gorodtsov cultures are associated with different traditions of different Mousterian groups (Paleolithic USSR, 1984, p. 183). But there is no need to talk more specifically about this due to the lack of sufficient archaeological information. Gorodtsovtsy were horse hunters and less likely to hunt mammoths. There are many bone tools, and in general the culture looks more developed than the Streltsy of the same time, which was outliving its Mousterian traditions.

But the flourishing of Paleolithic cultures occurred at a later time. Archaeologists call this time the “middle period of the Upper Paleolithic.” The absolute chronology of this period is determined by researchers in different ways. But, in general, it fits within the framework of 24,000-17,000 thousand years before the present day. In addition to the expansion of the range of stone tools and the widespread use of bone, figurines of animals made of bone - mammoths, images of the head of a bear, a cave lion - appeared. It was during this period that long-term dwellings using mammoth bones became widespread. And another phenomenon is the appearance of figurines - figurines depicting women. We will return to them after considering the “housing issue” of people of the Middle Upper Paleolithic.