Anyone who wants to restore the USSR does not have it. Who will replace Dombrovskis? Completion of the collapse and liquidation of the power structures of the USSR

“Whoever does not regret the collapse of the USSR has no heart. And the one who wants to restore it to its previous form has no head.”

President of Russia V.V. Putin

“I clearly view the collapse of the Soviet Union as a catastrophe that had and is having negative consequences throughout the world. We didn’t get anything good from the breakup.”

President of Belarus A.G. Lukashenko

The collapse of the USSR is the processes of systemic disintegration that took place in the economy (national economy), social structure, social and political sphere of the Soviet Union, and as V. Putin noted:

“I don’t think our geopolitical adversaries stood by.”

The collapse of the USSR led to the independence of 15 republics from the USSR and their emergence on the world political stage as states in which crypto-colonial regimes were established for the most part, that is, regimes in which sovereignty is formally legally preserved, while in practice there is a loss of political, economic and other state independence and the work of the country in the interests of the metropolis.

The USSR inherited most of the territory and multinational structure of the Russian Empire. In 1917-1921 Finland, Poland, Lithuania, Latvia, Estonia and Tuva gained independence. Some territories in the period 1939-1946. joined the USSR (Poland, Baltic states, Tuva).

After the end of World War II, the USSR had a vast territory in Europe and Asia, with access to seas and oceans, colossal natural resources, a developed socialist-type economy based on regional specialization and interregional political and economic ties, primarily with the “countries of the socialist camp.”

In the 70-80s, conflicts created on interethnic grounds (the 1972 riots in Kaunas, the 1978 mass demonstrations in Georgia, the December 1986 events in Kazakhstan) were insignificant for the development of the entire Union, but showed the intensification of the activities of a similar organization of that phenomenon. what has recently been called the “orange revolution”. At that time, Soviet ideology emphasized that the USSR was a friendly family of fraternal peoples, and this growing problem did not become more acute. The USSR was led by representatives of various nationalities (Georgians I.V. Stalin, Ukrainians N.S. Khrushchev, L.I. Brezhnev, K.U. Chernenko, Russians Yu.V. Andropov, Gorbachev, V.I. Lenin, there were many among leaders and Jews, especially in the 20s and 30s). Each of the republics of the Soviet Union had its own anthem and its own party leadership (except for the RSFSR) - the first secretary, etc.

The leadership of the multinational state was centralized - the country was headed by the central bodies of the CPSU, which controlled the entire hierarchy of government bodies. The leaders of the union republics were approved by the central leadership. Based on the results of the agreements reached at the Yalta Conference, the Byelorussian SSR and the Ukrainian SSR had their representatives in the UN from the moment of its founding.




The actual state of affairs differed from the design described in the Constitution of the USSR, which was the result of the activities of the bureaucracy (after the 1953 coup d'etat), which took shape as an exploitative class.

After Stalin's death, some decentralization of power took place. In particular, it became a strict rule to appoint a representative of the titular nation of the corresponding republic to the post of first secretary in the republics. The second secretary of the party in the republics was a protege of the Central Committee. This led to the fact that local leaders had a certain independence and unconditional power in their regions. After the collapse of the USSR, many of these leaders transformed into presidents of their respective states. However, in Soviet times, their fate depended on the central leadership.

REASONS FOR DISCOVERY



Currently, there is no single point of view among historians on what was the main cause of the collapse of the USSR, and also on whether it was possible to prevent or at least stop the process of collapse of the USSR. Possible reasons include the following:


  • centrifugal nationalist tendencies, which, according to some authors, are inherent in every multinational country and manifest themselves in the form of interethnic contradictions and the desire of individual peoples to independently develop their culture and economy;

  • the authoritarian nature of Soviet society (persecution of the church, KGB persecution of dissidents, forced collectivism);

  • the dominance of one ideology, ideological narrow-mindedness, a ban on communication with foreign countries, censorship, lack of free discussion of alternatives (especially important for the intelligentsia);

  • growing dissatisfaction of the population due to shortages of food and the most necessary goods (refrigerators, televisions, toilet paper, etc.), ridiculous prohibitions and restrictions (on the size of a garden plot, etc.), a constant lag in living standards from developed Western countries;

  • disproportions in the extensive economy (characteristic of the entire existence of the USSR), the consequence of which was a constant shortage of consumer goods, a growing technical gap in all spheres of the manufacturing industry (which can be compensated for in an extensive economy only by high-cost mobilization measures, a set of such measures under the general name “Acceleration "was adopted in 1987, but there was no longer any economic opportunity to implement it);

  • crisis of confidence in the economic system: in the 1960s–1970s. The main way to combat the inevitable shortage of consumer goods in a planned economy was to rely on mass production, simplicity and cheapness of materials; most enterprises worked in three shifts, producing similar products from low-quality materials. The quantitative plan was the only way to evaluate the efficiency of enterprises, quality control was minimized. The result of this was a sharp drop in the quality of consumer goods produced in the USSR, as a result, already in the early 1980s. the term “Soviet” in relation to goods was synonymous with the term “low quality”. The crisis of confidence in the quality of goods became a crisis of confidence in the entire economic system as a whole;

  • a number of man-made disasters (plane crashes, the Chernobyl accident, the crash of the Admiral Nakhimov, gas explosions, etc.) and the concealment of information about them;

  • unsuccessful attempts to reform the Soviet system, which led to stagnation and then the collapse of the economy, which led to the collapse of the political system (economic reform of 1965);

  • the decline in world oil prices, which shook the economy of the USSR;

  • monocentrism of decision-making (only in Moscow), which led to inefficiency and loss of time;

  • defeat in the arms race, victory of “Reaganomics” in this race;

  • The Afghan war, the cold war, continuous financial assistance to the countries of the socialist camp;


  • the development of the military-industrial complex to the detriment of other areas of the economy ruined the budget.

COURSE OF EVENTS



Since 1985, General Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee M.S. Gorbachev and his supporters began the policy of perestroika, the political activity of the population increased sharply, and mass movements and organizations, including radical and nationalist ones, were formed. Attempts to reform the Soviet system led to a deepening crisis in the country.

General crisis

The collapse of the USSR took place against the backdrop of a general economic, foreign policy and demographic crisis. In 1989, the beginning of the economic crisis in the USSR was officially announced for the first time (economic growth was replaced by decline).

In the period 1989 - 1991, the main problem of the Soviet economy - a chronic commodity shortage - reached its maximum; Almost all basic goods, except bread, disappear from free sale. Rationed supplies in the form of coupons are being introduced throughout the country.

Since 1991, a demographic crisis (an excess of mortality over the birth rate) has been recorded for the first time.

Refusal to interfere in the internal affairs of other countries entails the massive collapse of pro-Soviet communist regimes in Eastern Europe in 1989. There is an actual collapse of the Soviet sphere of influence.

A number of interethnic conflicts are flaring up on the territory of the USSR.

The Karabakh conflict that began in 1988 was particularly acute. Mutual ethnic cleansing is taking place, and in Azerbaijan this was accompanied by mass pogroms. In 1989, the Supreme Council of the Armenian SSR announced the annexation of Nagorno-Karabakh, and the Azerbaijan SSR began a blockade. In April 1991, a war actually began between the two Soviet republics.

In 1990, unrest occurred in the Fergana Valley, a feature of which was the mixing of several Central Asian nationalities (Osh massacre). The decision to rehabilitate peoples deported during the Great Patriotic War leads to increased tension in a number of regions, in particular in Crimea - between returning Crimean Tatars and Russians, in the Prigorodny region of North Ossetia - between Ossetians and returning Ingush.

Against the background of the general crisis, the popularity of radical democrats led by Boris Yeltsin is growing; it reaches its maximum in the two largest cities - Moscow and Leningrad.

Movements in the republics for secession from the USSR and the “parade of sovereignties”

On February 7, 1990, the CPSU Central Committee announced the weakening of the monopoly on power, and within a few weeks the first competitive elections were held. Liberals and nationalists won many seats in the parliaments of the union republics.

During 1990 - 1991, the so-called “parade of sovereignties” took place, during which all the union republics, including the Byelorussian SSR, whose Supreme Council on July 27, 1990 adopted the Declaration of State Sovereignty of the Byelorussian SSR, which proclaimed “full state sovereignty, as the supremacy, independence and completeness of state power of the republic within the borders of its territory, the competence of its laws, the independence of the republic in external relations.” They adopted the Declaration of Sovereignty, which established the priority of republican laws over all-Union ones. Actions were taken to control local economies, including refusal to pay taxes to the Union budget. These conflicts cut off many economic ties, which further worsened the economic situation in the USSR.

1991 referendum on preserving the USSR



In March 1991, a referendum was held in which the overwhelming majority of the population in each of the republics voted for the preservation of the USSR.

Based on the concept of a referendum, it was planned to conclude a new union on August 20, 1991 - the Union of Sovereign States (USS) as a “soft” federation.

However, although the referendum overwhelmingly voted for preserving the integrity of the USSR, the referendum itself had a strong negative psychological impact, calling into question the very idea of ​​the “inviolability of the union.”

Draft of a new Union Treaty

The rapid increase in the processes of disintegration is pushing the leadership of the USSR, led by Mikhail Gorbachev, to the following actions:


  • Conducting an all-Union referendum in which the majority of voters were in favor of preserving the USSR;

  • The establishment of the post of President of the USSR in connection with the prospect of the CPSU losing power;

  • A project to create a new Union Treaty, in which the rights of the republics were significantly expanded.

But in practice, during this period, dual power was already established in the country, and separatist tendencies intensified in the union republics.

At the same time, indecisive and inconsistent actions of the country's central leadership were noted. Thus, at the beginning of April 1990, the Law “On strengthening responsibility for attacks on the national equality of citizens and violent violation of the unity of the territory of the USSR” was adopted, which established criminal liability for public calls for the violent overthrow or change of the Soviet social and state system. But almost simultaneously with this, the Law “On the procedure for resolving issues related to the withdrawal of a union republic from the USSR” was adopted, which regulated the procedure and procedure for secession from the USSR through a referendum. A legal way to leave the Union was opened.

The actions of the then leadership of the RSFSR, headed by Boris Yeltsin, also played a negative role in the collapse of the Soviet Union.

State Emergency Committee and its consequences


A number of government and party leaders, under the slogans of preserving the unity of the country and to restore strict party-state control over all spheres of life, attempted a coup d'etat (GKChP, also known as the “August putsch” on August 19, 1991.

The defeat of the putsch actually led to the collapse of the central government of the USSR, the resubordination of power structures to republican leaders and the acceleration of the collapse of the Union. Within a month after the coup, the authorities of almost all the union republics declared independence one after another. In the Byelorussian SSR, already on August 25, 1991, the previously adopted Declaration of Independence was given the status of a constitutional law, and on September 19, the BSSR was renamed the “Republic of Belarus”.

There was a referendum in Ukraine, held on December 1, 1991, in which supporters of independence won even in such a traditionally pro-Russian region as Crimea, making (according to some politicians, in particular B.N. Yeltsin) the preservation of the USSR in any way completely impossible.

On November 14, 1991, seven of the twelve republics (Belarus, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Russia, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan) decided to conclude an agreement on the creation of the Union of Sovereign States (USS) as a confederation with its capital in Minsk. The signing was scheduled for December 9, 1991.

Signing of the Belovezhskaya Accords and creation of the CIS


However December 8, 1991 The heads of the Republic of Belarus, the Russian Federation and Ukraine, as the founding states of the USSR, which signed the Treaty on the Formation of the USSR, signed an Agreement that stated the cessation of the existence of the USSR as a “subject of international law and geopolitical reality” and declared the creation of the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS) ).

Notes in the margins

Here are statements on this matter by one of the direct “gravediggers” of the Soviet Union, a signatory of the “Belovezhskaya Agreement”, former Chairman of the Supreme Council of Belarus S. Shushkevich in November 2016 at a meeting at the headquarters of the Atlantic Council in Washington, where a significant for the United States, the date is the 25th anniversary of the collapse of the Soviet Union:

“I am proud of my participation in the signing of the Belovezhskaya Agreements, which formalized the collapse of the USSR, which actually took place by the end of 1991.
It was a nuclear force that threatened the entire world with missiles. And the one who says that she had reasons to exist must not only be a philosopher, but a philosopher with a sense of heroism.
Even though the collapse of the Soviet Union brought hope for liberalization, few post-Soviet countries have become true democracies.
The anti-Belarusian president ruined everything that was achieved in Belovezhskaya Pushcha, but sooner or later Belarus will become a normal civilized state.”

On December 21, 1991, at a meeting of presidents in Alma-Ata (Kazakhstan), 8 more republics joined the CIS: Azerbaijan, Armenia, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Moldova, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan, and the so-called Alma-Ata Agreement was signed, which became the basis of the CIS.

The CIS was founded not as a confederation, but as an international (interstate) organization, which is characterized by weak integration and a lack of real power among the coordinating supranational bodies. Membership in this organization was rejected by the Baltic republics, as well as by Georgia (which joined the CIS only in October 1993 and announced its withdrawal from the CIS after the war in South Ossetia in the summer of 2008).

Completion of the collapse and liquidation of the power structures of the USSR


The authorities of the USSR as a subject of international law ceased to exist on December 25-26, 1991.

On December 25, USSR President M. S. Gorbachev announced the termination of his activities as President of the USSR “for reasons of principle,” signed a decree resigning from the powers of the Supreme Commander-in-Chief of the Soviet Armed Forces and transferred control of strategic nuclear weapons to Russian President B. Yeltsin.

On December 26, the session of the upper chamber of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR, which retained a quorum - the Council of Republics, adopted declaration No. 142-N on the termination of the existence of the USSR.

During the same period, Russia declared itself a continuator of the USSR's membership (and not a legal successor, as is often erroneously stated) in international institutions, assumed the debts and assets of the USSR, and declared itself the owner of all property of the USSR abroad. According to data provided by the Russian Federation, at the end of 1991, the liabilities of the former Union were estimated at $93.7 billion, and assets at $110.1 billion.

CONSEQUENCES IN THE SHORT TERM

Transformations in Belarus

After the collapse of the USSR, Belarus was a parliamentary republic. The first Chairman of the Supreme Council of the Republic of Belarus was Stanislav Shushkevich.

— In 1992, the Belarusian ruble was introduced, and the formation of its own armed forces began.

— In 1994, the Constitution of the Republic of Belarus was adopted, and the first presidential elections took place. Alexander Lukashenko was elected president, and the republic was transformed from parliamentary to parliamentary-presidential.

— In 1995, a referendum was held in the country, as a result of which the Russian language received the status of a state language on an equal basis with Belarusian.

— In 1997, Belarus completed the removal from its territory of 72 SS-25 intercontinental missiles with nuclear warheads and received the status of a nuclear-free state.

Interethnic conflicts

In the last years of the existence of the USSR, a number of interethnic conflicts flared up on its territory. After its collapse, most of them immediately went into the phase of armed clashes:


  • Karabakh conflict - the war of the Armenians of Nagorno-Karabakh for independence from Azerbaijan;

  • Georgian-Abkhaz conflict - conflict between Georgia and Abkhazia;

  • Georgian-South Ossetian conflict - conflict between Georgia and South Ossetia;

  • Ossetian-Ingush conflict - clashes between Ossetians and Ingush in the Prigorodny region;

  • Civil War in Tajikistan - inter-clan civil war in Tajikistan;

  • The First Chechen War is the struggle of Russian federal forces with separatists in Chechnya;

  • the conflict in Transnistria is the struggle of the Moldovan authorities with the separatists in Transnistria.

According to Vladimir Mukomel, the number of deaths in interethnic conflicts in 1988-96 is about 100 thousand people. The number of refugees as a result of these conflicts amounted to at least 5 million people.

The collapse of the USSR from a legal point of view

The procedure for exercising the right of free secession from the USSR by each union republic, enshrined in Article 72 of the 1977 USSR Constitution, was not observed, but was legitimized mainly by the internal legislation of the states that left the USSR, as well as subsequent events, for example, their international legal recognition with sides of the world community - all 15 former Soviet republics are recognized by the world community as independent states and are represented in the UN.

Russia declared itself the successor of the USSR, which was recognized by almost all other states. Belarus, like most post-Soviet states (with the exception of the Baltic republics, Georgia, Azerbaijan and Moldova) also became the legal successor of the USSR with respect to the obligations of the Soviet Union under international treaties.

ASSESSMENTS


Assessments of the collapse of the USSR are ambiguous. The USSR's Cold War opponents perceived the collapse of the USSR as a victory.

President of Belarus A.G. Lukashenko assessed the collapse of the Union this way:

“The collapse of the Soviet Union was the greatest geopolitical catastrophe of the 20th century, primarily due to the destruction of the existing system of the bipolar world. Many hoped that the end of the Cold War would mean getting rid of large military expenditures, and the freed-up resources would be used to solve global problems - food, energy, environmental and others. But these expectations were not met. The Cold War has been replaced by an even more fierce struggle for energy resources. In essence, a new redivision of the world has begun. Any means are used, including the occupation of independent states.”

President of Russia V.V. Putin expressed a similar opinion in his message to the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation:

“First of all, it should be recognized that the collapse of the Soviet Union was the largest geopolitical catastrophe of the century. For the Russian people it became a real drama. Tens of millions of our fellow citizens and compatriots found themselves outside Russian territory. The epidemic of decay has also spread to Russia itself.”

The first president of Russia B.N. Yeltsin in 2006 emphasized the inevitability of the collapse of the USSR and noted that, along with the negative, we must not forget about its positive aspects:

“But still, we should not forget that in recent years life was very difficult for people in the USSR. Both materially and spiritually,” he added. “Everyone has somehow forgotten what empty counters are.” They forgot what it was like to be afraid to express their own thoughts that run counter to the “general line of the party.” And under no circumstances should we forget this.”

In October 2009, in an interview with the editor-in-chief of Radio Liberty Lyudmila Telen, the first and only president of the USSR, M. S. Gorbachev, admitted his responsibility for the collapse of the USSR.

According to international population surveys within the framework of the Eurasian Monitor program, in 2006, 52% of respondents in Belarus, 68% in Russia and 59% in Ukraine regretted the collapse of the Soviet Union; 36%, 24% and 30% of respondents did not regret, respectively; 12%, 8% and 11% found it difficult to answer this question.

In October 2016 (the survey was not conducted in Belarus) to the question:

“Do you personally or do you not regret that the Soviet Union collapsed?”:

Yes, I'm sorry, they replied— in Russia 63%, in Armenia — 56%, in Ukraine — 32%, in Moldova — 50%, in Kazakhstan — 38% of respondents,

I do not regret, respectively - 23%, 31%, 49%,36% and 46% of respondents, and 14%, 14%, 20%, 14% and 16% found it difficult to answer.

Thus, we can conclude that the attitude towards the collapse of the USSR in different CIS countries is very different and significantly depends on the current integration sentiments of citizens.

Thus, in Russia, according to many studies, tendencies towards reintegration dominate, therefore the attitude towards the collapse of the USSR is mainly negative (the majority of respondents recorded regret and confidence that the collapse could have been avoided).

On the contrary, in Ukraine the integration vector is directed away from Russia and the post-Soviet space, and the collapse of the USSR is perceived there without regret and as inevitable.

In Moldova and Armenia, the attitude towards the USSR is ambiguous, which corresponds to the current largely “bivector”, autonomist or uncertain state of integration orientations of the population of these countries.

In Kazakhstan, despite all the skepticism regarding the USSR, there is a positive attitude towards the “new integration”.

In Belarus, in which, according to the analytical portal “Eurasia Expert”, 60 percent of citizens have a positive attitude towards integration processes within the EAEU and only 5% (!) have a negative attitude, the attitude of a significant part of the population towards the collapse of the Soviet Union is negative.

CONCLUSION

The failed “putsch” of the State Emergency Committee and the completion of perestroika meant not only the end of socialist reformism in the USSR, and in its integral part - the Belarusian SSR, but also the victory of those political forces that saw in changing the model of social development the only way out of the country’s protracted crisis. This was a conscious choice not only of the authorities, but also of the majority of society.

The “revolution from above” led to the formation in Belarus, as well as throughout the post-Soviet space, of a labor market, goods, housing, and stock market. However, these changes were only the beginning of an economic transition period.

During the political transformations, the Soviet system of organizing power was dismantled. Instead, the formation of a political system based on the separation of powers began.

The collapse of the USSR radically changed the geostrategic situation in the world. The country's unified security and defense system was destroyed. NATO has moved closer to the borders of the CIS countries. At the same time, the former Soviet republics, having overcome their previous isolation from Western countries, found themselves, as never before, integrated into many international structures.

At the same time, the collapse of the USSR does not at all mean that the idea of ​​a fair and morally strong society and state, which the Soviet Union implemented, albeit with errors, has been refuted. Yes, a certain version of the implementation is destroyed, but not the idea itself. And recent events in the post-Soviet space, and in the world related to integration processes, only confirm this.

Again, these processes are not simple, complex, and sometimes contradictory, but a vector set by the USSR, aimed at the process of bringing together the states of Europe and Asia along the path of mutual cooperation in the political and economic field on the basis of coordinated interstate policy and economics, in interests of the peoples inhabiting them, was chosen correctly, and integration processes are gradually gaining strength. And the Republic of Belarus, being a founding member of the UN, CIS, CSTO, Union State and EAEU, occupies a worthy place in this process.




Youth Analytical Group

“I clearly view the collapse of the Soviet Union as a catastrophe that had and is having negative consequences throughout the world. We didn’t get anything good from the breakup.”

President of Belarus A.G. Lukashenko

“Whoever does not regret the collapse of the USSR has no heart. And the one who wants to restore it to its previous form has no head.”

President of Russia V.V. Putin

The collapse of the USSR is the processes of systemic disintegration that took place in the economy (national economy), social structure, social and political sphere of the Soviet Union, while as V. Putin noted:

“I don’t think our geopolitical opponents stood aside”

The collapse of the USSR led to the independence of 15 republics from the USSR and their emergence on the world political stage as states in which crypto-colonial regimes were established for the most part, that is, regimes in which sovereignty is formally legally preserved, while in practice there is a loss of political, economic and other state independence and the work of the country in the interests of the metropolis.

The USSR inherited most of the territory and multinational structure of the Russian Empire. In 1917-1921 Finland, Poland, Lithuania, Latvia, Estonia and Tuva gained independence. Some territories in the period 1939-1946. joined the USSR (Poland, Baltic states, Tuva).

After the end of World War II, the USSR had a vast territory in Europe and Asia, with access to seas and oceans, colossal natural resources, a developed socialist-type economy based on regional specialization and interregional political and economic ties, primarily with the “countries of the socialist camp.”

In the 70-80s, conflicts created on interethnic grounds (the 1972 riots in Kaunas, the 1978 mass demonstrations in Georgia, the December 1986 events in Kazakhstan) were insignificant for the development of the entire Union, but showed the intensification of the activities of a similar organization of that phenomenon. what has recently been called the “orange revolution”. At that time, Soviet ideology emphasized that the USSR was a friendly family of fraternal peoples, and this growing problem did not become more acute. The USSR was led by representatives of various nationalities (Georgians I.V. Stalin, Ukrainians N.S. Khrushchev, L.I. Brezhnev, K.U. Chernenko, Russians Yu.V. Andropov, Gorbachev, V.I. Lenin, there were many among leaders and Jews, especially in the 20s and 30s). Each of the republics of the Soviet Union had its own anthem and its own party leadership (except for the RSFSR) - the first secretary, etc.

The leadership of the multinational state was centralized - the country was headed by the central bodies of the CPSU, which controlled the entire hierarchy of government bodies. The leaders of the union republics were approved by the central leadership. The Byelorussian SSR and the Ukrainian SSR, based on the results of the agreements reached at the Yalta Conference, had their representatives in the UN from the moment of its founding.


Image: pravda-tv.ru

The actual state of affairs differed from the design described in the Constitution of the USSR, which was the result of the activities of the bureaucracy, which after the 1953 coup d'etat took shape as an exploitative class.

After Stalin's death, some decentralization of power took place. In particular, it became a strict rule to appoint a representative of the titular nation of the corresponding republic to the post of first secretary in the republics. The second secretary of the party in the republics was a protege of the Central Committee. This led to the fact that local leaders had a certain independence and unconditional power in their regions. After the collapse of the USSR, many of these leaders transformed into presidents of their respective states. However, in Soviet times, their fate depended on the central leadership.

Reasons for the collapse


Image: ppt4web.ru

Currently, there is no single point of view among historians on what was the main cause of the collapse of the USSR, and also on whether it was possible to prevent or at least stop the process of collapse of the USSR. Possible reasons include the following:

Centrifugal nationalist tendencies, which, according to some authors, are inherent in every multinational country and manifest themselves in the form of interethnic contradictions and the desire of individual peoples to independently develop their culture and economy;

The dominance of one ideology, ideological narrow-mindedness, a ban on communication with foreign countries, censorship, lack of free discussion of alternatives (especially important for the intelligentsia);

Growing dissatisfaction of the population due to shortages of food and the most necessary goods (refrigerators, televisions, toilet paper, etc.), ridiculous prohibitions and restrictions (on the size of a garden plot, etc.), a constant lag in living standards from developed Western countries;

Disproportions in the extensive economy (characteristic of the entire existence of the USSR), the consequence of which was a constant shortage of consumer goods, a growing technical gap in all areas of the manufacturing industry (which can be compensated for in an extensive economy only by high-cost mobilization measures, a set of such measures under the general name “Acceleration "was adopted in 1987, but there was no longer any economic opportunity to implement it);

Crisis of confidence in the economic system: in the 1960s-1970s. The main way to combat the inevitable shortage of consumer goods in a planned economy was to rely on mass production, simplicity and cheapness of materials; most enterprises worked in three shifts, producing similar products from low-quality materials. The quantitative plan was the only way to evaluate the efficiency of enterprises, quality control was minimized. The result of this was a sharp drop in the quality of consumer goods produced in the USSR, as a result, already in the early 1980s. the term “Soviet” in relation to goods was synonymous with the term “low quality”. The crisis of confidence in the quality of goods became a crisis of confidence in the entire economic system as a whole;

A number of man-made disasters (plane crashes, the Chernobyl accident, the crash of the Admiral Nakhimov, gas explosions, etc.) and the concealment of information about them;

Unsuccessful attempts to reform the Soviet system, which led to stagnation and then the collapse of the economy, which led to the collapse of the political system (economic reform of 1965);

The decline in world oil prices, which shook the economy of the USSR;

Monocentrism of decision making (only in Moscow), which led to inefficiency and loss of time;

Defeat in the arms race, victory of “Reaganomics” in this race;

The Afghan war, the cold war, continuous financial assistance to the countries of the socialist camp;

The development of the military-industrial complex to the detriment of other areas of the economy ruined the budget.

Course of events


Image: rd-guild.com

Since 1985, General Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee M.S. Gorbachev and his supporters began the policy of perestroika, the political activity of the population increased sharply, and mass movements and organizations were formed, including radical and nationalist ones. Attempts to reform the Soviet system led to a deepening crisis in the country.

General crisis

The collapse of the USSR took place against the backdrop of a general economic, foreign policy and demographic crisis. In 1989, the beginning of the economic crisis in the USSR was officially announced for the first time (economic growth was replaced by decline).

In the period 1989 - 1991, the main problem of the Soviet economy - a chronic commodity shortage - reached its maximum; Almost all basic goods, except bread, disappear from free sale. Rationed supplies in the form of coupons are being introduced throughout the country.

Since 1991, a demographic crisis (an excess of mortality over the birth rate) has been recorded for the first time.

Refusal to interfere in the internal affairs of other countries entails the massive collapse of pro-Soviet communist regimes in Eastern Europe in 1989. There is an actual collapse of the Soviet sphere of influence.

A number of interethnic conflicts are flaring up on the territory of the USSR.

The Karabakh conflict that began in 1988 was particularly acute. Mutual ethnic cleansing is taking place, and in Azerbaijan this was accompanied by mass pogroms. In 1989, the Supreme Council of the Armenian SSR announced the annexation of Nagorno-Karabakh, and the Azerbaijan SSR began a blockade. In April 1991, a war actually began between the two Soviet republics.

In 1990, unrest occurred in the Fergana Valley, a feature of which was the mixing of several Central Asian nationalities (Osh massacre). The decision to rehabilitate peoples deported during the Great Patriotic War leads to increased tension in a number of regions, in particular in Crimea - between returning Crimean Tatars and Russians, in the Prigorodny region of North Ossetia - between Ossetians and returning Ingush.

Against the background of the general crisis, the popularity of radical democrats led by Boris Yeltsin is growing; it reaches its maximum in the two largest cities - Moscow and Leningrad.

Movements in the republics for secession from the USSR and the “parade of sovereignties”

On February 7, 1990, the CPSU Central Committee announced the weakening of the monopoly on power, and within a few weeks the first competitive elections were held. Liberals and nationalists won many seats in the parliaments of the union republics.

During 1990 - 1991, the so-called “parade of sovereignties” took place, during which all allies, including the Byelorussian SSR, whose Supreme Council on July 27, 1990 adopted the Declaration of State Sovereignty of the Byelorussian SSR, proclaiming “full state sovereignty, as the supremacy , independence and completeness of state power of the republic within the borders of its territory, the competence of its laws, the independence of the republic in external relations,” adopted Declarations of Sovereignty, which established the priority of republican laws over all-Union laws. Actions were taken to control local economies, including refusal to pay taxes to the Union budget. These conflicts cut off many economic ties, which further worsened the economic situation in the USSR.

1991 referendum on preserving the USSR


Image: s.pikabu.ru

In March 1991, a referendum was held in which the overwhelming majority of the population in each of the republics voted for the preservation of the USSR.

Based on the concept of the referendum, it was planned to conclude a new union on August 20, 1991 - the Union of Sovereign States (USS) as a “soft” federation.

However, although the referendum overwhelmingly voted for preserving the integrity of the USSR, the referendum itself had a strong negative psychological impact, calling into question the very idea of ​​the “inviolability of the union.”

Draft of a new Union Treaty

The rapid increase in the processes of disintegration is pushing the leadership of the USSR, led by Mikhail Gorbachev, to the following actions:

Conducting an all-Union referendum in which the majority of voters were in favor of preserving the USSR;

The establishment of the post of President of the USSR in connection with the prospect of the CPSU losing power;

A project to create a new Union Treaty, in which the rights of the republics were significantly expanded.

But in practice, during this period, dual power was already being established in the country, and separatist tendencies were intensifying in the union republics.

At the same time, indecisive and inconsistent actions of the country's central leadership were noted. Thus, in early April 1990, the Law “On strengthening responsibility for attacks on the national equality of citizens and violent violation of the unity of the territory of the USSR” was adopted, which established criminal liability for public calls for the violent overthrow or change of the Soviet social and state system. But almost simultaneously with this, the Law “On the procedure for resolving issues related to the withdrawal of a union republic from the USSR” was adopted, which regulated the procedure and procedure for secession from the USSR through a referendum. A legal way to leave the Union was opened.

The actions of the then leadership of the RSFSR, headed by Boris Yeltsin, also played a negative role in the collapse of the Soviet Union.

State Emergency Committee and its consequences


Image: yahooeu.ru

A number of government and party leaders, under the slogans of preserving the unity of the country and to restore strict party-state control over all spheres of life, attempted a coup d'etat (GKChP, also known as the “August putsch” on August 19, 1991).

The defeat of the putsch actually led to the collapse of the central government of the USSR, the resubordination of power structures to republican leaders and the acceleration of the collapse of the Union. Within a month after the coup, the authorities of almost all the union republics declared independence one after another. In the Byelorussian SSR, already on August 25, 1991, the previously adopted Declaration of Independence was given the status of a constitutional law, and on September 19, the BSSR was renamed the “Republic of Belarus”.

A referendum was held in Ukraine, held on December 1, 1991, in which supporters of independence won even in such a traditionally pro-Russian region as Crimea, made (according to some politicians, in particular B.N. Yeltsin) the preservation of the USSR in any way completely impossible.

On November 14, 1991, seven of the twelve republics (Belarus, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Russia, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan) decided to conclude an agreement on the creation of the Union of Sovereign States (USS) as a confederation with its capital in Minsk. The signing was scheduled for December 9, 1991.

Signing of the Belovezhskaya Accords and creation of the CIS


Image: img-fotki.yandex.ru

However, on December 8, 1991, the heads of the Republic of Belarus, the Russian Federation and Ukraine, as the founding states of the USSR, which signed the Treaty on the Formation of the USSR, signed an Agreement, which stated the cessation of the existence of the USSR as a “subject of international law and geopolitical reality” and declared the creation Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS).

Notes in the margins

Here are statements on this matter by one of the direct “gravediggers” of the Soviet Union, a signatory of the “Belovezhskaya Agreement”, former Chairman of the Supreme Council of Belarus S. Shushkevich in November 2016 at a meeting at the headquarters of the Atlantic Council in Washington, where a significant for the United States, the date is the 25th anniversary of the collapse of the Soviet Union

I am proud of my participation in the signing of the Belovezhskaya Agreements, which formalized the collapse of the USSR, which actually took place by the end of 1991.

It was a nuclear force that threatened the entire world with missiles. And the one who says that she had reasons to exist must not only be a philosopher, but a philosopher with a sense of heroism.

Even though the collapse of the Soviet Union brought hope for liberalization, few post-Soviet countries have become true democracies.

The anti-Belarusian president ruined everything that was achieved in Belovezhskaya Pushcha, but sooner or later Belarus will become a normal civilized state.

On December 21, 1991, at a meeting of presidents in Alma-Ata (Kazakhstan), 8 more republics joined the CIS: Azerbaijan, Armenia, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Moldova, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan, and the so-called Alma-Ata Agreement was signed, which became the basis of the CIS.

The CIS was founded not as a confederation, but as an international (interstate) organization, which is characterized by weak integration and a lack of real power among the coordinating supranational bodies. Membership in this organization was rejected by the Baltic republics, as well as by Georgia (which joined the CIS only in October 1993 and announced its withdrawal from the CIS after the war in South Ossetia in the summer of 2008).

Completion of the collapse and liquidation of the power structures of the USSR


Image: politikus.ru

The authorities of the USSR as a subject of international law ceased to exist on December 25-26, 1991.

On December 25, USSR President M. S. Gorbachev announced the termination of his activities as President of the USSR “for reasons of principle,” signed a decree resigning from the powers of the Supreme Commander-in-Chief of the Soviet Armed Forces and transferred control of strategic nuclear weapons to Russian President B. Yeltsin.

On December 26, the session of the upper chamber of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR, which retained a quorum - the Council of Republics, adopted declaration No. 142-N on the termination of the existence of the USSR.

During the same period, Russia declared itself a continuator of the USSR's membership (and not a legal successor, as is often erroneously stated) in international institutions, assumed the debts and assets of the USSR, and declared itself the owner of all property of the USSR abroad. According to data provided by the Russian Federation, at the end of 1991, the liabilities of the former Union were estimated at $93.7 billion, and assets at $110.1 billion.

Impact in the short term

Transformations in Belarus

After the collapse of the USSR, Belarus was a parliamentary republic. The first Chairman of the Supreme Council of the Republic of Belarus was Stanislav Shushkevich.

In 1992, the Belarusian ruble was introduced, and the formation of its own armed forces began.

In 1994, the Constitution of the Republic of Belarus was adopted, and the first presidential elections took place. Alexander Lukashenko was elected president, and the republic was transformed from parliamentary to parliamentary-presidential.

In 1995, a referendum was held in the country, as a result of which the Russian language received state status on an equal basis with Belarusian.

In 1997, Belarus completed the removal from its territory of 72 SS-25 intercontinental missiles with nuclear warheads and received the status of a nuclear-free state.

Interethnic conflicts

In the last years of the existence of the USSR, a number of interethnic conflicts flared up on its territory. After its collapse, most of them immediately went into the phase of armed clashes:

Karabakh conflict - the war of the Armenians of Nagorno-Karabakh for independence from Azerbaijan;

Georgian-Abkhaz conflict - conflict between Georgia and Abkhazia;

Georgian-South Ossetian conflict - conflict between Georgia and South Ossetia;

Ossetian-Ingush conflict - clashes between Ossetians and Ingush in the Prigorodny region;

Civil War in Tajikistan - inter-clan civil war in Tajikistan;

The First Chechen War - the struggle of Russian federal forces with separatists in Chechnya;

The conflict in Transnistria is the struggle of the Moldovan authorities with the separatists in Transnistria.

According to Vladimir Mukomel, the number of deaths in interethnic conflicts in 1988-96 is about 100 thousand people. The number of refugees as a result of these conflicts amounted to at least 5 million people.

The collapse of the USSR from a legal point of view

The procedure for exercising the right of free secession from the USSR by each union republic, enshrined in Article 72 of the 1977 USSR Constitution, was not observed, but was legitimized mainly by the internal legislation of the states that left the USSR, as well as subsequent events, for example, their international legal recognition with sides of the world community - all 15 former Soviet republics are recognized by the world community as independent states and are represented in the UN.

Russia declared itself the successor of the USSR, which was recognized by almost all other states. Belarus, like most post-Soviet states (with the exception of the Baltic republics, Georgia, Azerbaijan and Moldova) also became the legal successor of the USSR with respect to the obligations of the Soviet Union under international treaties.

Ratings


Assessments of the collapse of the USSR are ambiguous. The USSR's Cold War opponents perceived the collapse of the USSR as a victory.

President of Belarus A.G. Lukashenko assessed the collapse of the Union this way:

“The collapse of the Soviet Union was the greatest geopolitical catastrophe of the 20th century, primarily due to the destruction of the existing system of the bipolar world. Many hoped that the end of the Cold War would mean getting rid of large military expenditures, and the freed-up resources would be used to solve global problems - food, energy, environmental and others. But these expectations were not met. The Cold War has been replaced by an even more fierce struggle for energy resources. In essence, a new redivision of the world has begun. Any means are used, including the occupation of independent states.”

President of Russia V.V. Putin expressed a similar opinion in his message to the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation:

“First of all, it should be recognized that the collapse of the Soviet Union was the largest geopolitical catastrophe of the century. For the Russian people it became a real drama. Tens of millions of our fellow citizens and compatriots found themselves outside Russian territory. The epidemic of collapse has also spread to Russia itself.”

The first president of Russia B.N. Yeltsin in 2006 emphasized the inevitability of the collapse of the USSR and noted that, along with the negative, we must not forget about its positive aspects:

“But still, we should not forget that in recent years life was very difficult for people in the USSR. Both materially and spiritually,” he added. - Everyone has somehow forgotten what empty counters are. They forgot what it was like to be afraid to express their own thoughts that run counter to the “general line of the party.” And under no circumstances should we forget this.”

In October 2009, in an interview with the editor-in-chief of Radio Liberty Lyudmila Telen, the first and only president of the USSR M. S. Gorbachev admitted his responsibility for the collapse of the USSR:

According to international population surveys within the framework of the Eurasian Monitor program, in 2006, 52% of respondents in Belarus, 68% in Russia and 59% in Ukraine regretted the collapse of the Soviet Union; 36%, 24% and 30% of respondents did not regret, respectively; 12%, 8% and 11% found it difficult to answer this question.

In October 2016 (the survey was not conducted in Belarus) to the question:

“Do you personally or do you not regret that the Soviet Union collapsed?”:

Yes, I'm sorry answered - in Russia 63%, in Armenia - 56%, in Ukraine - 32%, in Moldova - 50%, in Kazakhstan - 38% of respondents,

I do not regret, respectively - 23%, 31%, 49%,36% and 46% of respondents, and 14%, 14%, 20%, 14% and 16% found it difficult to answer.

Thus, we can conclude that the attitude towards the collapse of the USSR in different CIS countries is very different and significantly depends on the current integration sentiments of citizens.

Thus, in Russia, according to many studies, tendencies towards reintegration dominate, therefore the attitude towards the collapse of the USSR is mainly negative (the majority of respondents recorded regret and confidence that the collapse could have been avoided).

On the contrary, in Ukraine the integration vector is directed away from Russia and the post-Soviet space, and the collapse of the USSR is perceived there without regret and as inevitable.

In Moldova and Armenia, the attitude towards the USSR is ambiguous, which corresponds to the current largely “bivector”, autonomist or uncertain state of integration orientations of the population of these countries.

In Kazakhstan, despite all the skepticism regarding the USSR, there is a positive attitude towards the “new integration”.

In Belarus, in which, according to the analytical portal “Eurasia Expert”, 60 percent of citizens have a positive attitude towards integration processes within the EAEU and only 5% (!) have a negative attitude, the attitude of a significant part of the population towards the collapse of the Soviet Union is negative.

Conclusion

The failed “putsch” of the State Emergency Committee and the completion of perestroika meant not only the end of socialist reformism in the USSR, and in its integral part - the Belarusian SSR, but also the victory of those political forces that saw in changing the model of social development the only way out of the country’s protracted crisis. This was a conscious choice not only of the authorities, but also of the majority of society.

The “revolution from above” led to the formation in Belarus, as well as throughout the post-Soviet space, of a labor market, goods, housing, and stock market. However, these changes were only the beginning of an economic transition period.

During the political transformations, the Soviet system of organizing power was dismantled. Instead, the formation of a political system based on the separation of powers began.

The collapse of the USSR radically changed the geostrategic situation in the world. The country's unified security and defense system was destroyed. NATO has moved closer to the borders of the CIS countries. At the same time, the former Soviet republics, having overcome their previous isolation from Western countries, found themselves, as never before, integrated into many international structures.

At the same time, the collapse of the USSR does not at all mean that the idea of ​​a fair and morally strong society and state, which the Soviet Union implemented, albeit with errors, has been refuted. Yes, a certain version of the implementation is destroyed, but not the idea itself. And recent events in the post-Soviet space, and in the world related to integration processes, only confirm this.

Again, these processes are not simple, complex, and sometimes contradictory, but a vector set by the USSR, aimed at the process of bringing together the states of Europe and Asia along the path of mutual cooperation in the political and economic field on the basis of coordinated interstate policy and economics, in interests of the peoples inhabiting them, was chosen correctly, and integration processes are gradually gaining strength. And the Republic of Belarus, being a founding member of the UN, CIS, CSTO, Union State and EAEU, occupies a worthy place in this process.

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Famous writer about Soviet intelligence, Lithuanian grievances and the shoes of Ivar Kalnins. At the invitation of the Polaris bookstore chain, the famous writer Chingiz Abdullayev, author of 198 novels translated into 29 languages, visited Riga. Creator of the best-selling series about Drongo, fourth-generation lawyer, president of the PEN Club of Azerbaijan, honorary ambassador of Interpol to the world...

He’s also an amazing conversationalist and a real colonel.

Dossier "Saturday"

Chingiz Abdullayev was born in 1959 in Baku. He graduated from the law department of Baku University and worked for the USSR Ministry of Defense. He performed special assignments in Mozambique, Belgium, Germany, Poland, Romania, Bulgaria, and Afghanistan. Was wounded twice.

Retired colonel. Doctor of Law. Since 1989 he was secretary of the USSR Writers' Union. Then - co-chairman of the international Literary Fund in Moscow (deputy of Sergei Mikhalkov). Today Abdullayev is the president of the PEN Club of Azerbaijan, the honorary ambassador of Interpol in the world.

His name is included in the Guinness Book of Records as the most read Russian-language writer.

Fluent in six languages. Master of sports in shooting.

Married. The daughter and son live in London.

Putin and Co.

— Your novels feature not only super agents or intelligence officers under fictitious names, but also specific historical figures. Including current politicians: Gorbachev, Putin, Aliyev... Did you have any troubles because of this?

— Hemingway said: “The conscience of a writer should be like the standard of meter in Paris.” I completely agree with him. If you fawn and be afraid of everything, you won’t be able to write a single line. And I considered it my moral duty to write a five-volume book “Disintegration” about the collapse of the USSR. While working on this book in the archives, I found an incredible amount of facts about the State Emergency Committee and other events of that time that no one knows about. Don’t change the names in history for me!

I also wrote what I thought about Heydar Aliyev. True, he didn’t like everything, they told me about it. Putin appears in my novel “Attempt on Power”...

— How did the President of Russia react to the fact that he became the hero of your novel?

- I don’t know about this. I don’t even know if he reads my books. I know for sure that Medvedev is reading! But I was very pleased when, during his visit to Baku, Putin quoted my phrase from the book. A phrase that I am very proud of: “Whoever does not regret the collapse of the USSR has no heart, but whoever dreams of restoring the USSR has no head.”

— What is this story connected with Ceausescu? I heard that your books were banned in Romania...

— I myself forbade the publication of the book “Darkness Under the Sun” in Romanian and Moldavian languages. In retaliation for the fact that I was once deported from this country, accused of involvement in the Ceausescu case. This was absolutely untrue: I simply knew too much about the execution of Ceausescu and the participation of the special services in that operation. I do not justify the dictator, but I still believe that his trial was wrong.

Later, when I became an honorary citizen of Romania, the book “Darkness Under the Sun” was published in that country. The foreword to it was written by the Minister of Defense of Romania, who worked under Ceausescu. And for this he was arrested again. Then I wrote to the President of Romania that I would renounce all regalia and honorary citizenship if he was not released. And he was released...

— Your book “Always Yesterday’s Tomorrow” was banned in Lithuania. For what?

— Because I wrote, based on archival data, that eight of the 11 members of Sąjūdis were state security informants. Including the then President Landsbergis and Mrs. Prunskienė. In Lithuania, they immediately called me a half-baked security officer, although I wrote the honest truth and even gave the nicknames under which these people went by as informants. There was a terrible scandal: Prunskienė sued the journalists who reprinted excerpts from my book. Landsbergis shouted: “And this shameless woman is trying to get into parliament!” — forgetting that he himself also ratted people out.

- They say it was such a time. In the 70-80s there was an active recruitment of people, many became informers not of their own free will...

- Stop it! Nobody forcibly recruited anyone. There was a line of informers ready to lay down their comrades with pleasure. And this did not depend on nationality.

It was everywhere! In Azerbaijan, many informants can also be found among the founders of the Popular Front. But for some reason only the Lithuanians were offended. They even threatened not to let me into the country. True, this is difficult for them to do: firstly, I have a diplomatic passport, and secondly, the passport of an Interpol ambassador.

From Ukraine to America

— Do you want to write a novel about the events in Ukraine in 2014?

- I'm not ready yet. Today a great tragedy is happening in Ukraine: brother goes against brother, people of the same blood and the same faith shoot at each other. The war cripples their psyche, and the consequences of this shell shock are unpredictable. But only people who lived in the USSR can understand this great tragedy. Western guests don't understand anything.

- Don't like America?

“America, according to whose scenario Ukraine is falling apart, is the world’s gendarme, who is confident that everything is allowed to him. And the most offensive thing is that we are partly to blame for this.

Imagine an American plane bombing an Afghan wedding; the groom, the bride, and relatives on both sides die. But everyone just gasps and cries. Now imagine that an Afghan plane bombs an American wedding, killing one person, a random guest. Will the Americans forgive this? Never! They positioned themselves in such a way that the life of one American is worth the life of two Europeans, four Turks, eight Arabs...

Why do the Arabs humbly agree to this and exchange one of their warriors for a hundred American ones? This is disrespect for your own people! Until every nation learns to respect itself, America will be allowed everything.

— Are there any topics that you will never take on?

“I was offered fabulous fees to write the history of the Kurdish liberation movement. I refused because I know that if I write, there will be a massacre. And so 40 thousand have already died. I will never take up this topic.

On the pages of Abdullaev's books are the intricacies of world politics, the battle of national mafias, espionage conspiracies and the machinations of all the intelligence services of the world. Even those who hate detective stories are forced to admit: the facts and details in this author’s novels look so authentic, as if the writer witnessed the events.

I’m tempted to ask Abdullaev: “Are you by any chance a spy?” We asked the writer this question directly.

Who are you, Doctor Sorge?

— Chingiz Akifovich, in your books we often talk about military and political operations, the details of which only initiated people can know. Admit it, were you a scout?

- No, I was not a scout. Although I won’t hide: I always wanted something heroic. After university, I was eager to become an investigator, which at that time was considered complete absurdity: law school graduates were literally forced into this job - everyone wanted to go to the bar. I dreamed of solving crimes!

- What stopped you?

— My parents held very high positions in Baku, our neighbor was the Deputy Minister of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Azerbaijan. And in unison they dissuaded me: “Where are you going? There's blood and dirt. You are a boy from an intelligent family...” As a result, after university, I ended up working in the “mailbox” of the Ministry of Aviation Industry. The establishment was secret. And the team was unique: the best people in the country worked there, the elite of the Baku intelligentsia, who read banned books, listened to Vysotsky and Galich... Soon I was transferred to the 34th department, which was subordinate to the Ministry of Defense. And at the age of 22 I became his boss.

- What is this special department? And how did he contribute to writing?

— The country’s security department, which dealt with embassy issues, the settlement of various military conflicts, negotiations regarding people who were captured... Now it’s no secret that the USSR in those years fought a war not only in Afghanistan, but also in Angola and Egypt , Namibia... As an employee of the 34th department, I often traveled abroad to resolve various issues. These were called business trips.

On one of these missions I was a group commander. Five of us walked. I went first, and my friend went fourth. On the way, I injured my leg, and my friend and I swapped places, I went fourth. All three who walked in front of me were killed.

Returning to Moscow, I realized that I had to write about this. So in 1988 my first political detective story, “Blue Angels,” appeared.

— The novel became a bestseller?

- No, the Blue Angels were banned by the KGB: they decided that you couldn’t write about Interpol (the USSR didn’t cooperate with it at that time), experts and special forces, and you couldn’t give away military secrets, although in fact I didn’t give out any secrets! They also hinted that with such a name there is nothing to do in the genre of a political detective story. Let him sell greens at the market or herd sheep.

I was summoned to the Central Committee. “You see, Chingiz, we are provincials, Azerbaijanis, and smart Jews should write about politics. - the head of the Central Committee department began insinuatingly. “You write about something harmless.”

But I was young, arrogant and said that I would definitely prove that my last name was suitable for the cover of a political detective story. I’ve been proving it ever since.

— And yet, when did you make the final choice in favor of a literary career?

— I was assigned to oversee the state security of Azerbaijan and wanted to confirm me as the chief curator of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the republic. The next position was that of Deputy Minister of the Ministry of Internal Affairs. But the Karabakh events began. In Sumgait, during the pogroms, 26 Armenians and six Azerbaijanis were killed, and this entire uncontrollable crowd had to move from Sumgait to Baku. My colleagues and I simply miraculously managed to stop these people...

After this collision, they made me an unexpected offer: to become the organizing secretary of the USSR Writers' Union. I will not reveal a secret if I say that at that time many state security representatives worked in this organization. And at the age of 29, I was approved for the position of organizing secretary of the Writers' Union.

Then I became co-chairman of the international Literary Fund in Moscow and a member of the executive committee of the International Union of Writers. For a long time he was Sergei Mikhalkov’s deputy. He was friends with Valentin Rasputin, Nikolai Leonov, Yulian Semyonov, the Weiner brothers...

27 hours at the computer

— When did you feel that you had become a popular writer?

— Everything happened somehow gradually. For the first novel in the early 90s I was offered 300 dollars, and for the second - already 3000. Today I am one of the largest taxpayers in Azerbaijan. I pay atrocious taxes! (Laughs.) One consolation: in stores in many countries there are special shelves on which only my books are displayed. I write on average 10-12 novels a year.

- How is this physically possible?

— I often sit down at the table at nine in the morning and get up from it at 12 o’clock the next day. I spend exactly 27 hours at the computer, with short breaks of five to seven minutes. I hit the keys at the speed of a professional typist.

If someone told me: “Lie down for 27 hours,” I wouldn’t be able to. “Watch TV” - I can’t either. I can’t even talk to a beautiful woman for 27 hours straight—the woman can’t stand it!

— There are legends about your fees. If you weren't paid so much money, would you still write books?

“My father once asked me the same question.” And I honestly answered: “Even if they didn’t pay me a penny, I still wouldn’t quit writing books. For me this is tantamount to death - I live inside my novels.”

How Ivar Kalnins became Drongo

— One of your most popular heroes is Interpol officer Drongo. How did the idea for this series of books come about? And can you say: “Drongo is me”?

— I have long wanted to create the image of a supranational hero. With the intelligence of Hercule Poirot and the fists of James Bond. And I’m glad that I succeeded: Georgians consider Drongo theirs, Tatars consider them theirs, Azerbaijanis consider them theirs...

I can’t say that Drongo is me, but I put a lot of my thoughts into his mouth and head. In addition, we have the same height - 187 cm. And we were born on the same day - April 7. (Smiles.) And the name of this hero came to me by chance: while traveling in Southeast Asia, I saw a drongo bird; she can imitate the voices of other birds and is very brave.

— Why did you choose a Latvian named Veidemanis as Drongo’s assistant, and not an Estonian or Lithuanian?

“I immediately decided that Drongo’s partner would be a Baltic. And of all the three Baltic republics, since the times of the Union, it is Latvia that is closest to me in spirit. As a child, I often came to Riga with my mother; she had a friend who lived here. I still remember the names of Riga streets and the spirit of internationalism that reigned in your city.

There were not many such truly international cities in the USSR: Odessa, Baku, Tbilisi... and Riga. By the way, this visit did not disappoint me - I was pleasantly surprised that here, like here in Baku, they have not forgotten the Russian language.

— And for the same reason you cast our Latvian actor Ivars Kalnins for the role of Drongo in the film?

— I’ll admit honestly: at first I was against him. In the film “Theater” he seemed to me somehow small, frail, too sweet... After all, I had never met Ivar in my life. And then the director says to me: “Now I’ll introduce you.” Ivar entered the room, and I immediately realized how wrong I was. A courageous face, height - 1.88 m, slanting fathoms at the shoulders. I looked at Ivar’s feet and was stunned: this is a paw, may Ivar forgive me.

I'm already size 46, so it's hard to find shoes. “What size shoes do you wear?” - I asked. “47th,” Ivar said quietly with his indescribable accent. This became the final argument. The role of Drongo went to Ivar, and he coped with it wonderfully.

Personal life

— Where do you live: in Moscow or in your native Baku?

— My wife and children live in London. I have an apartment in Moscow, I often go there on publishing business, but I live in Baku and consider this city one of the most beautiful on the planet. Our capital is unrecognizable today. Just look at the cost of the new three buildings of 50 floors, built in the form of tongues of flame! Baku combines East and West, and complete internationalism reigns. Our city ranks one of the first in the world for the absence of crime. Our cars are not even stolen; you can leave your keys in them.

Writer and journalist Dmitry Bykov once came to us with his friend. They drank a little and got lost: they couldn’t find their way to the hotel. Then Bykov stopped the police car and asked for help. The police brought them to the hotel, unloaded them, politely wished them good night...

Speaking later at the Writers' Union, Bykov said: “I suddenly imagined for a second what would have happened if two drunken Azerbaijani journalists had fallen into the hands of Moscow police officers? How would it end? I am very proud of my city!

— Your popularity in Baku is probably just off the charts...

- I have many fans - and especially female fans - in different cities and countries. My shirts from the dry cleaner often come back with notes in the pocket: “I love you.” And below is the phone number. They leave similar notes on my car under the windshield and in the pockets of my jacket, which I hang on my chair during creative meetings. My wife finds all these notes, carefully collects them, folds them and gives them to me.

- Isn’t she jealous of you?

“We’ve been together all our lives, lived in the same house. My wife grew up before my eyes: when I was in the ninth grade, she was in the first. At first, of course, there was jealousy. But I explained to her: there are 150,000 women in my fan club. If I meet with each of them for at least one day, it will take me almost a hundred years of my life.

Besides, all my popularity is mere nonsense compared to the popularity of another Azerbaijani. As he walked up the stairs, the women kissed the railing behind him. This man's name was Muslim Magomayev...

Writer? Prove it!

— Chingiz Akifovich, in terms of the number of published novels, you have already surpassed Chase, who left behind 190 detective stories. Are you planning to take a break?

- I’m not tired! If I don’t prove every day that I can write, they won’t publish me. And it doesn’t matter whether I am national or international. Nobody pays money for beautiful eyes.

— But you said that you love writing so much that you are ready to work for free. True, you are wearing a very expensive suit, you arrived in Riga in a business class carriage, checked into the best hotel...

— Image for a famous person is an important and necessary thing. I'll tell you a funny incident. My friend, the writer Rustam Ibragimbekov, based on whose scripts the films “White Sun of the Desert”, “Urga”, “Burnt by the Sun”, “The Barber of Siberia” and others were shot, lives in Santa Monica. One day I witnessed his negotiations with the great Martin Scorsese. The meeting took place at a Los Angeles hotel. Rustam began his story by saying that Nikita Mikhalkov makes films based on his books.

Martin listened without interest, with half an ear, and then said over his shoulder: “Maybe we’ll meet again someday. Not in a hotel." “Then let’s go to my house,” said Rustam. “I live in Santa Monica, Jack Nicholson’s neighbor.” - “Do you live in Santa Monica? — Scorsese asked in surprise. “Come on, give me your script here!”

Elena SMEKHOVA.

Not long ago, Putin was invited to Belgrade on the occasion of the liberation of the city from fascism. The American ambassador was perplexed: “Why was he invited if Belgrade was liberated by the 3rd Ukrainian army?” He doesn’t even know that there were no separate Ukrainian armies - there was a single Union!

Based on archival data, he wrote that eight of the 11 members of the Lithuanian Sąjūdis were state security informants. Including the then President Landsbergis and Mrs. Prunskienė. In Lithuania, they immediately called me a half-baked security officer, although I wrote the honest truth and even gave the nicknames under which these people went by as informants. There was a terrible scandal...